CARS, ACCIDENTS, GRAVES, COFFEE SHOPS, BUSES, TRISHAWS, AND
MORNING MARKETS
Hugh M. Lewis
1996
Copyright, 1996, Hugh M. Lewis
(Copies of this text may be printed for research or
classroom use only)
Various things were counted in Georgetown, especially during the first few
months there, and when collected together these miscellaneous counts show some
facets of life in Georgetown. Counting is a kind of neurotic activity that a
young ethnographer might do, especially in complex and stressful field
situations and especially in the first few months of adaptation when the focus
of research has not yet crystallized. Such statistics especially point to
differences in social patterning between men and women within Malaysia. They
reveal statistically significant phenomena that cannot in themselves be
denied, however we may wish to interpret them or whatever their ultimate
relevance.
Morning Markets
There are nine or ten morning markets that recur daily in the wider
Georgetown area, and more than this if one includes the entire island. These
morning markets, or "bahn sahns" are focal centers of activity that
constitute an important part of life in Penang. They are the place where the
majority of Chinese people shop on a daily or weekly basis to buy fresh meat
and vegetables, to by cheap household goods like soaps, towels, toilet and
bath articles, etc. They are also a social occasion for women especially, and
perhaps for many, may constitute the primary social outlet outside the
home--it is a place to see different people, the strange admixture of the base
and common with the exotic, and to meet and renew old acquaintances and
exchange gossip. It is only in the coffee shops next to or within these
markets during peak hours that one may find a majority of the patrons who are
women and not men. Thus the market in Penang, as well perhaps as in all
Malaysia, represents a focal social and cultural institution.

Clothes Vendors at morning market.
The three largest of these markets were counted for the composition of
people during different hours, and for the kinds of items sold there. All
three of these markets are clearly "Chinese" affairs, as are most if
not all of the other markets. Over ninety percent of the customers and sellers
at these markets are Chinese. Indians are common but relatively infrequent,
and Malays are rarely found there. This leaves unanswered the question of
where the Malays find their fresh food if not at the central market places. If
they have their own markets these were not obvious. It appears that they
frequent the Indian Muslim traders that are at the periphery of the downtown
morning market for a great deal of their commodities. They are found more
frequently at the markets on the outskirts of the city, nearer to the
Kampongs, and where fish and chicken is sold and the sale of pork is not as
open and central as at the downtown markets.

Bread seller at the morning market
An inventory of items sold with number of hawkers selling these items at
the largest, most central market during the New Year season is as follows in
order of decreasing frequency:
vegetables 15
clothes 14
children's clothes belts
towels pants
wallets shirts
shorts ladies pants
Fish 13
live fish (black catfish)
Dried food stuff (non perishable) 12
ground nuts
koay 11
local cakes and pastries 7
dumplings 3
bread
Chicken and poultry 9
Fruits 8
apples pears
bananas melons
pineapples oranges
Sundries 5
Chinese New Year cakes 5
shrimp 4
flowers 3
religious paraphernalia 3
cooked food, dishes 3
canned goods 2 eggs 2
garlic 2 wooden clogs 2
household goods 2 moth balls 2
milo dried pork
roasted pork pork
tapes, video cassette tapes
hair bands shell fish
cosmetics magazines
papers nasi lemak (rice in coconut milk, with sambal)
stools curry, chili spices
frogs cameras and binoculars (Europeans)
dried meat fish balls
candies cuttle fish
cigarettes matches
dried fish onions
cooking utensils, kitchen beans
bean curd onions
dried pork skins spices condiments
toilet paper scouring pads
shoes, sandals Chinese medicine
herbal medicine sewing things
lighters fried bee hoon
This list gives a good profile of the simple kinds of material things which
Malaysians, mostly Chinese, need and prefer on a daily or weekly basis: cheap
clothes (underwear, dresses, t-shirts, children's clothes), fresh vegetables,
local and imported fruits, fresh fish, chicken and pork, fresh eggs, dried
food stuff and a variety of miscellaneous condiments for cooking, basic
household things like matches, fire starters, hair pins or clothes clips,
toothpaste, soap, shampoo, etc., cooking utensilsm cheap plates and bowls,
cheap toys, cassettes, etc.

Plastics and clothes vendors.
A breakdown of some of the categories of things sold by hawkers at morning
markets follows:
fruits
pineapples mandarin oranges (tangerines)
Sunkist oranges siam kam (Thai oranges)
green apples red apples
Japanese apples Chinese yellow pears
green pears brown pears
cantaloupes bananas
watermelon guava
mangosteens papayas
grapes plums
lychees rambutans
mangos star fruit
jack fruit guava
vegetables
cucumbers 4 yellow cucumbers
lemon grass chives
water chestnut fresh sweet potato
bamboo leaves (for spring cleaning) water cress
carrots egg plants (brinjal)
water cress hot chilies
leeks cabbage
enchie white radish (dicon)
ginger green (Spring "bunching") onions
lotus fruits okra
lemons mint
tomatoes jicama
cauliflower bitter gourd
bak choy cucumbers
French beans beans
Chinese long beans string beans
baby corn peppers
chilies green peppers (bells)
red peppers snow peas
celery choy sum (bulbs)
selantra spinach (purple leaf)
lettuce ice-berg lettuce
chi sim ang char
Chinese gourds brown onions
brown pumpkins baby red potatoes
small orange pumpkins pandanus leaves
cerrano peppers "bunga tergang" (red ginger flower)
cut potatoes peeled garlic
brown large potatoes bamboo shoots
dried food stuffs
pumpkin seeds mushrooms
dried chilies coffee powder (different grades)
salted eggs duck eggs
tamarind balachan
beans ketchup
garlic dried onion flakes
different grades of ikan bilis salted fish
bulk rice (dog, black, sweet, brown, "cha be" or "leg
rice")
lap chan (sausage) pork skins
prunes noodles
salt sugar
spices condiments
canned goods. Spam
vegetarian bean curd peanut butter
bamboo shoots peaches
baby corn abalone
instant coffee
eggs
salted fresh brown
duck eggs quail eggs
egg yokes turtle eggs
poultry
liver legs, parts
whole fried, roasted
feet blood
heads & necks
pork
blood intestines
tripe brains
liver meat
dried roasted
char siow
Meats
lor bak oysters
meat balls fish balls
Ladies paraphernalia
tissues wallets
pins purses
nail polish hair bands
hair braids hair clips
earrings costume jewelry
pendants
Koay
glutinous rice yellow rice
ang ku New Year Cakes
white carrot cake bung cake
biscuits crackers
durian cake apong
bachang koay (peanut pan-cakes) bread
Fish
pomfret small grouper
tuna rumpah hu
small fish shark
catfish shrimp
steamed fish ikan parang
squid dried fish
crabs small flounder
ciput (shell fish) lobster
sting ray mackerel (different varieties)
eels
Plants and flowers
black-eyed susans chrysanthemums
oleander junipers
ferns roses
carnations mums
flower petals croutons
succulents pepper plants
"Chinese New Year Plant" cactus
chemical fertilizer
Clothes
shirts socks
towels petticoats
slips dresses
panties bras
underwear pants/trousers
pull-over shirts shorts
sandals shoes
wooden clogs
Miscellaneous household
pins matches
stoppers toys
hangers moth balls
soap tooth paste
tissues hi-lighter pens
straw baskets Chinese checkers
children's toys cato-pens
bed sheets pillows
towels cato-cutters
toilet paper scouring pads
tooth brushes rice starch
baby powder tooth picks
assorted candies scouring laundry brushes
fire starter toilet brushes
deodorizer clothes pins
laundry detergent shoe white polish
ear swabs brooms
mosquito coils straw brooms
plastics (buckets, bowls, tubs, etc.) clocks
watches sunglasses
chopping boards
Though pasar malams (or night markets) were not studied, past experience
shows that these are similar affairs, with more clothes, toys, miscellaneous
sundries, household items, cassettes, and cakes being sold. The pasar malam
occurs every night in a different place. State sponsored pasar malams cycle
every two weeks. There are perhaps 60 or 70 traders, with 10 or 15 food
stalls. Chinese sponsored pasar malams cycle every week. A friend of ours
sells clothes regularly at the Chinese markets, which has 40 or 50 traders,
She had been a member of the market for about two years, and joined it of her
own initiative.
Separate counts on separate days at the main morning market showed within a
single street about 851 people at about 8:30 A.M., 926 people at about 8:40
A.M., 886 people at about 9:20 A.M., 771 people at about 10:05 A.M., and about
406 people at about 10:35 A.M.. Another count on another day of the same
market showed 1,149 people at about 10:55 A.M. Of this final count,
approximately 653 (56.8%) were women and 496 (43%) were men (a portion of
which is represented by the sellers). Slightly more women than men appear to
attend these markets. In an hour at one market, less than 30 non-Chinese were
observed at the market, out of probably 2000 people, and of the 30
approximately half were tourists. Thus proportionately very few Indians and
Malays frequent these morning markets, and they seem to be almost exclusively
Chinese institutions.
Coffee Shops
One hundred and thirteen counts were made of coffee shops in the downtown
area over a period of four months. It was noticed early that more men than
women were eating in coffee shops, sometimes exclusively so. It turns out that
there is an average of 11 men in coffee shops, with a median of 9, a range of
36, and a mode of 3 compared to an average of 5 women with a median of 2, a
range of 34 and a mode of 0 (an average of one child with a median and mode of
0 and a range of 10). The only times and places (12 times out of 113) in which
more women than men were found at the coffee shops was at the morning markets,
between 8:00 and 11:00 A.M. and one time at one coffee shop during a lunch
hour between 1:00 and 2:00 in the afternoon (proximate to businesses hiring
women secretaries). A chi square test for significance of the number of males
eating in coffee shops at the time when women outnumbered the men compared to
the number of males and females when the men outnumbered the women is 174.5,
significant beyond the .001 level.

A typical small coffee shop late in the morning.
It can be safely said that coffee shops are primarily the domain of adult
males compared to females, and of adults compared to children, but with the
regular and easily defined exception of the morning markets. This conclusion
holds across the ethnocultural boundaries. The implications of the coffee
shop, as a central institution of pan-Malaysian culture, like the morning
market, have yet to be fully explored. Among the Chinese, at least, coffee
shops are frequently the locations of important business negotiations and done
deals. It is a place where business relations and partnerships are cultivated,
and clients are treated. It is a place where information and views are
exchanged between males, and where those at work can get out of the hot sun,
cool down, enjoy an ice coffee and some rice or noodles.

Young hawker preparing grand fare for the lunch crowd
Buses
Counts were made on buses of the number of
men, women and children, as well as the number of male Malays, Chinese and
Indians who rode these buses. These counts were kept up for a period of three
months and encompassed two separate bus companies on four routes. It cannot be
known how representative these statistics are for the entire bus system of
Penang, which comprises six or seven bus lines and quite a few different
routes. Who rides on what bus depends upon the time of day and the area that
the route passes through. If a route passes near to several kampongs, it can
be expected that more Malays will be riding these buses. If they pass by an
Indian community, as did two of the routes that we counted, then more Indians
can be expected to be riding the bus. If you count at 8:30 in the morning, you
will count mostly women and men going off to their jobs downtown. If you count
a couple of hours later there are a lot of older men and women coming back
from shopping at the markets or going visiting. If you count after 3:30 in the
afternoon, you will get many school children of all ages coming home on very
crowded buses, along with the women and men returning from jobs downtown.
These counts could have easily been extended to encompass a wider area and
more lines, but the net knowledge learned from this did not seem to justify
the effort or provide the motivation to do so. There are many better things to
do with one's time than riding buses all day long, and by the end of our study
were both too well accustomed, and tired, of riding buses.

A typical day on the bus with mostly women and children
riding.
There was an average of 20 women (a median of 19, a mode of 24, and a range
of 39), compared to an average of 11 men (a median of 11, a mode of 8, and a
range of 29), riding buses over 71 separate counts. Just under twice as many
women than men are riding the buses, at least on the lines that we took,
although this is probably true for most or all of the other bus lines as well.
The number of Chinese, Malay and Indian men riding buses was counted over
35 trips. Out of a total of 327 men riding these buses during these times,
approximately 42.36% were Malay (and indistinguishable Indonesians), 32.57%
were Chinese and 22.77% were Indian. Impressionistically, this count
corroborates the observation that stimulated these counts in the first place
that proportionately more young Malay men are riding the buses. The most
significant difference was between the number of Indian and Malay male bus
riders, with a chi square value significant beyond the 0.001 level, then
between Chinese and Indian bus riders, with a chi square value significant
beyond the .005 level, and then between the Malays and the Chinese with a
value significant beyond the .025 level.
It is difficult to interpret these numbers as they were complicated by the
fact that all the routes went by one or more largely Malay communities, and
two or three lines went by at least one or two Indian communities. If larger
samples were taken, one might find these numbers coming to closely resemble
the national population ratios between the ethnic communities. It would have
perhaps been more useful, as well as more difficult, counting the number of
women on the basis of ethnicity rather than the men. First, the ethnicity of
women is more clearly marked and distinguishable than for men. Secondly,
because twice as many women than men ride the buses, it can be expected that
their numbers will be more representative of actual larger social patterns.
Bus counts were undertaken for another reason. Bus riders represent a
distinct social category in Malaysian society, those who do not own or drive
any kind of motor vehicle. Thus it can be considered that, except for a few
anomalies, most of these people are near the bottom of the social pecking
order of semi-skilled working class. This distinction is known by the
Malaysians themselves, as one day when a well dressed middle aged Chinese lady
missed her coming down place, asking which way she should to get to the main
shopping center, and the bus conductress who was our friend told us she must
have been a rich lady not to know the buses like that.
The fact that statistically more women than men ride the bus, means that
probably more women than men occupy this particular working class category
within Malaysian society. This category is reflected in the factory bus
system, which is predominantly for taking women to and from the factories. It
also has a resonance in the school bus system, which shows a similarity of
social status between adult women bus-riders and child school bus riders. This
type of difference is demonstrated by the greater imposed
"uniformity" of dress of women in the workplace and school. More
women wear more uniforms in the workplace than men, as do children in the
schools, and this uniformity often downplays or highlights the women's sexual
characteristics.
Cars and Motorcycles
Cars and motorcycles were counted at certain bus stops within the greater
city area. A set of 106 such counts were accumulated over ten different
locations. The average time of each count was just over ten minutes. The
average number of motorcycles was approximately 16 per minute. The average
number of cars was just over 20 per minute. The total amounts to one vehicle
every 1.67 seconds, which is about right, but which also disguises quite a bit
of variability in the pattern between different roads. On some roads at some
times of the day the rate of traffic goes up to as high as two vehicles every
second, making it next to impossible to cross these streets by foot without
becoming dangerously caught in the center between the lanes. Most roads of
Penang have become extremely crowded, with thousands of new cars and
motorcycles being brought onto the island every year but very few roads being
constructed or widened. The net result is an almost ceaseless congestion,
especially along certain main access routes that are prone to bottleneck jams
at certain hours of the day or on holidays, and making available parking space
very precious.

Downtown traffic in a busy section of town.
The primary purpose of the counts was not to understand this volume of
traffic, so much as it was to get at certain ratios of motorcycles to cars,
single person cars and motorcycles to multiple person cars and motorcycles,
and to the differences in the number of male and female drivers. It is almost
certain that certain categories are clearly distinguished on the basis of the
ownership of motorcycles or cars. Though many car owning families will also
likely own and regularly use a motorcycle too, many families have access only
to motorcycles as an available means of transportation, and this marks a clear
socio-economic boundary within the society.
For counting over a total period of more than 1070 minutes, approximately
43.78% of the total number of vehicles (38996) were motorcycles, and 56.22%
were cars. This difference is found to be significant by the Chi square test
far beyond the .001 level. This greater preponderance of cars to motorcycles,
despite the fact that many car owners frequently drive motorcycles for greater
convenience, demonstrates a basic shift of wealth and mobility that can be
clearly associated with the modern development of Malaysia, especially over
the last decade. It means that most of the people focused in those areas where
the counts were conducted, have moved up to the "car" owning
category. This is reflected by the fact that most cars seen on the road are
relatively new and recent acquisitions. It also means that most of the press
and congestion of the traffic that has recently been felt has been due to this
increase in the number of new cars being driven, though more motorcycles than
cars are implicated in motor vehicle accidents. Motorcycles, always dangerous,
may have become increasingly dangerous and vulnerable to accidents due to the
increase in the number of cars on the roads.
There is variability in this ratio of cars to motorcycles, reversing itself
clearly in the downtown area where there are more poorer people residing
locally, where parking is more difficult and motorcycles more convenient and
mobile. There are an average of 21 motorcycles per minute downtown, compared
to an average rate of 18.4 cars per minute, out of a total of 23 counts
encompassing 203.25 minutes of counting. Along the Jetty, the number of
motorcycles is actually about equal to the average number of cars, an average
of 13.47 motorcycles per minute compared to an average of 12.7 cars per
minute, perhaps reflecting the lower working class environment. This
difference between downtown ratios compared to outside-of-town ratios has a
Chi square value of 3.2 that is significant above the .1 level.
The number of male to female drivers of cars and motorcycles were counted
over 9 separate times with an average of 10.25 minutes per count and a total
of 92 minutes. Out of an average of 16.6 motorcycles per minute, approximately
1.8 were driven by females. Out of an average of 18.74 cars per minute,
approximately 5.78 were driven by females. Though unfortunately not enough of
these counts were made, these ratios of male to female drivers reveal what are
strongly believed to be significant differences in driving patterns between
males and females. Significantly more males than females are driving
motorcycles on the road. The Chi square test for men and women driving
motorcycles compared to the total number of vehicles driven by men and women
is 12.1, significant past the .001 level. The Chi square test for men and
women driving cars compared to the total number of vehicles driven by men and
women is 2.494, significant past the .25 level. The highest correlation
between these counts was between the number of female car drivers and the
total number of female drivers (.97). It appears that the changing
socio-economic profile of Malaysians may be reflected in the greatest changes
in the profile of women, as there may be a higher proportionate increase in
the number of female car drivers.
The number of single driver cars and motorcycles to multiple person cars
and motorcycles was counted over 13 times for an average of just over 9
minutes per count and a total of 118 minutes. The average rate of cars counted
was approximately 17.35 per minute, while the average rate of motorcycles
counted was approximately 17.3 per minute. The evenness in rate is reflected
in the fact that proportionately more of the counts were done downtown and by
the Jetty (46%). Of these, approximately 2.89 (16.7% of all motorcycles)
motorcycles per minute, and approximately 8.49 (48.9% of all cars) cars per
minute had two or more people in them. This implies that cars are more
frequently used for carrying groups (presumably families) and motorcycles are
owned and operated more frequently by individuals, though the chi square test
reveals no significant difference in this regard.

Motorcycles are affordable, frequent, fast and dangerous.
The number of single person to multiple person motorcycles was corroborated
with a larger sample of 42 counts with an average of 8.63 minutes per count
for a total of 362.5 minutes. The total average rate of cars was 17.75 per
minute, while the average rate of motorcycles was 15.24 per minute. The
average rate of more than one person motorcycles was 3.476, or about 22.8% of
the total count. Slightly more motorcycles are being used in the transport of
other persons away from the central town area. About 42.85% of these counts
were made in the downtown or jetty areas.
The final consideration in the way of traffic is the frequency and kinds of
traffic accidents. A number of these accidents were witnessed during our stay
in Penang, and notes were kept on each of these. We witnessed at least 18
clear accidents during our time there. Of these, 14 involved motorcycles
(78%). Three involved fender benders between cars. The only injuries we
witnessed were with the motorcycles, including: two cases of severe injury,
one certain fatality, one broken arm, and two or three minor injuries to the
legs. One motorcycle accident involved hitting a pedestrian; another involved
running over a bicycle; three involved only motorcycles hitting each other;
five involved motorcycles hitting or being hit by cars; and three involved
motorcycles hitting or being hit by vans or lorries. Several of the motorcycle
accidents involved young persons, and several of these involved women. Several
involved making right turns. Several involved following too closely. A couple
involved passing a vehicle on the blind side, and several involved the
carelessness of the motorcycle driver who was driving to fast. Motorcycles
remain the most dangerous vehicles on the road, and safety precautions are
minimal. Young children without adequate helmets or restraints are seen riding
on the fronts or backs of motorcycles. The most common violations of
motorcycles are executing an entry of the lane from the wrong way; driving
down the wrong way; cutting corners; not making full stops; passing on the
wrong side; speeding; and driving on sidewalks.

An unusual accident, with a car that ran off Hillside road.
Graves
Graves at the largest Chinese cemetery on the island were counted over a
three week period during the first part of April for a week before and a
couple of weeks following what is known as "Cheng Beng." The purpose
behind the count was to see the ratio of graves visited compared to those that
remained unvisited during this season. Visited graves were relatively easy to
identify, with the paper money, joss sticks, candles and other votive
offerings left there after the visitation. Unvisited graves were easy to
identify not only for the lack of these leftovers, but also from the general
lack of upkeep, the overgrown state of the weeds and the grass, of the grave
itself.

Lonely graves on the hillside--notice the fresh red paint in
the foreground.
Overall, out of 40 counts of an average of 92.9 graves per count (3717
total) an average of about 34.1 were visited (1,363 total), about 36.8% of the
total. The period was divided into the first ten days and the subsequent seven
days. In the first period, a total of 20 counts had an average of 114.85
graves per count and an average of 31.5 visited graves (27.43%). In the second
period, a total of 20 counts had an average of 71 graves per count and an
average of 36.65 graves visited (61.82 %). It can be seen that by the last
week of this three week period, the number of visited graves goes from just
over a quarter to just under 2/3's of the total number of graves counted. This
difference between visited and unvisited graves is significant well past the
.001 level with a Chi square test of 114.47.
It is interesting that newer graves could also be distinguished from the
older grave sites, and that for the first two weeks average visitation of the
new grave sites was 23.68%, but jumps up to 84.32% by the last week. On the
other hand, older grave-sites are visited 28% during the first two weeks, and
go up to 46.72% in the last week. These differences between older and newer
visited and unvisited grave-sites are all significant with the Chi square test
past the .001 level. The greater variability of the old grave sites visited is
accountable for because of the different locations of old graves counted--some
of the oldest sections of the cemetery remained unvisited compared with newer
sections.
It can be interpreted that more than 3/4s of the newer graves are visited,
and these graves represent mostly second or third generation ascending. The
older grave sites which fall to less than 50 percent visited represent the
termination line between third and fourth generations ascending. It seems that
actual ancestor worship and filial piety extend back at most to the third
generation, but quickly falls away by the fourth generation. As an informant
told us, too old is not good, great grandparents will eat one's children. If
we allow about 25 years for each generation, we can assume that graves over 75
years of age will most likely be forgotten, and that graves over 50 years old
will have only a 50 percent chance of being visited, whereas grave sites less
than 25 years old will have a 2/3's to 3/4 percent chance of being visited.
Children remember their parents, and widowers their spouses and siblings, but
with each successive generation this memory lapses. Another qualitative
difference between older and newer graves are that among the older sites there
are many grand tombs, with many very humble markers scattered in between. With
newer sites there is greater uniformity in both style of construction and in
the laying out. Space is more precious and the density of graves is greatly
increased.
Trishaws
Trishaws are a conspicuous part of the Georgetown setting. It was my
initial presumption that they were primarily a tourist institution, supported
mostly by the inflow of tourists dollars. Interaction with them is frequent
enough in downtown Penang that it warranted a count. Many more than 1087
trishaws were observed at all hours of the day and in practically every part
of the city, though this number represents only that part of the total sample
that could be clearly coded on categories of ethnicity and age of both driver
and passenger. Twenty-three sub samples of this total was drawn with an
average of 47.26 observations per sub sample. Of this total, 570 with an
average of 24.78 (52.43%) per subsample were empty and without passengers.
This means that trishaws are generally without customers more than fifty
percent of the time. An average of 33.78 of the trishaws (total count 777,
71.48%) were Chinese drivers, while an average of 9.87 were Malay (total count
227, 20.88%) and 9.78 were Indians (total count 225, 20.69%).

Tri-shaw carrying a two young Indian women.
An average of 19.13 of the customers were Chinese (total count, 440,
40.48%), while only an average of 5.44 were Malay (125, or 11.5%) and only 2.8
on average were Indian (65, or 6%), and only an average of 3.1 were white
tourists (71, or 6.53%). Thus it can be concluded that trishaws are clearly
mostly a Chinese institution, and Malay or Indian employment within or of the
institution are borrowings of Chinese culture by these different ethnic groups
situated within a predominantly Chinese city.
Of a total of approximately 1087 passengers, average age of the customer is
young, below 20 years old, and most of these were school children (372 or
34.21%), followed by middle aged customers (254, or 23.36%) and then elderly
(66, 6.1%). There were slightly more females (average of 12.74 per subsample)
than males (average of 11.52 per subsample). Out of a smaller set of about six
subsamples, most trishaw drivers were middle aged, (approximately 45.49%),
followed by elderly, (approximately 43.23%) and then young (approximately
11.28%).

A typical tri shaw cart, parked.
Interpretation of these statistics suggests that the trishaw is
primarily a local Chinese institution serving local needs of transportation,
especially of school children to and from school (7 %) and middle aged females
to and from the market, and also of businessmen, the elderly, young families
and couples and the carriage of things (approximately 3%) primarily
vegetables, groceries, furniture and bulk products. Tourism is only an
adjunct, if probably lucrative, source of income.