Systems Essays, Vol. II
Oct. 7th to Dec. 10, 2004
Hugh M. Lewis
Copyright 2005, Hugh M. Lewis
I have taken the opportunity in the course of editing to
publish on-line my second round of Systems Essays. This is a short round
written during a two month transition period during which time my main
Newsletter as well as web-system framework was undergoing substantial
modification. I have sought to collect theses essays into a single corpus as
these reflect the development of my ideas in relation to Systems Theory during
this period of time.
Systems Essays Vol. II Contents
Systems
Philosophy
Systems
Relativity
Universal
Features of Real Systems
General
Systems Integration
Developmental
Differentiation & Equi-finality
Systems
Cybernetics and the Challenges of Meta-systems Integration
Natural
Order and the Dao of Chaos
"Intelligent
Design" & Developmental Differentiation
Global
Domestication, Cultural Selection and Unnatural Evolution
Human
Biological Dominance, Global Circumscription and the Doctrine of Universal Natural
Rights
Biological
Determinism in the Social Sciences
Symbolic
Cognition & Human Knowledge Systems
Of
Symbols & Power
Human
Power Motivation and the Symbolic Transformation of Human Nature
Profiling
the Profilers
The
Message Becomes the Medium
Systems Philosophy
by
Hugh M. Lewis
Systems philosophy concerns
primarily the conceptual foundations for a systems-based framework in
the world. The role of traditional philosophy has been
eclipsed by the rising sun of the empirical-analytical sciences and
conventional philosophy became in the later half of the 20th Century an
exclusive, restrictive, entirely academic preoccupation. The call for
holism and general integration of scientific knowledge across
disciplinary boundaries has entailed rethinking the place of philosophy
from a systems perspective. Modern scientific worldview demands
increasingly a systems-based approach in order to achieve the
comprehensiveness of perspective it needs, and this in turn demands a
reinstatement of a philosophical framework that both transcends and
incorporates scientific theory and methodology across all fields of
knowledge. The time has arrived therefore for a full-blown systems
philosophy to envision the leading role of the sciences in the 3rd
Millennium and to lead scientists beyond the role of remaining pawns in
service of authoritarian puppet-masters.
Systems philosophy addresses some of the most vital questions
concerning the foundations of reality and the role of human beings in
the mediation of this reality. How we answer these questions in part
determines how we will respond and adapt to our ever changing world, and
in the final analysis may determine the outcome of human survival upon
earth. There is a deep connection between our worldview and our
behavioral and social adaptation in the world--we cannot clearly say
that worldview guides our behavior or that worldview is guided by
behavior, but surely there is a very high positive correlation between
the way people look at and think about the world and how they respond
and interact with others in their world, their position and
status-identity in that world.
The central challenge of systems philosophy, to be relevant in a
contemporary world, is to successfully mediate and overcome the
Mind/Body dichotomy that has served to dialectically define and
constrain Western Philosophy for the past two and a half millennia. This
dichotomy affects how we approach scientific problem solving and how we
carve up our experience. We may say simply, from a systems philosophy
perspective, this dichotomy is really a hen or egg dilemma, and it is a
false dichotomy. Mind and body are two heads of the same coin. Simply
put, mind is a function of the integration and action of the brain as a
complex system of neural activity.
We may say that from a systems perspective, the synergistic, holistic
qualities and emergent properties that are associated with a unified
system at one level of observation, do not exist and cannot be
adequately explained in terms of the analysis of the components of the
system or their individual functional specializations. But if we observe
the pattern of integration of the various parts of a system, the
principle of synergistic holism follows logically. That the component
parts of systems become bound up within the system, and their behavior
constrained by the operational environment and external conditions of
the system, is a part of the process.
That there occurs mostly a degree of variability in the behavior and
structure of component parts, does not affect the general outcome or
sense of dynamic equilibrium maintained by the system as a whole. We may
observe that real systems would not be capable of adaptation and long
term life if they did not have built-in variability. All real systems
have built-in tolerance limits that permit component parts to vary from
one instance to the next, within the same system, or if we compare one
system from another. This is as true of physical systems like stars as
it is of biological systems like animals or human systems like
societies.
All classification in science proceeds from these tenets, as does all
logical relationship that we infer in phenomena. The concept of
causality is derivative of this basic principle--we can call the
developmental behavior of systems complex causality. From this, we can
see that typical clausal logic is a constrained form of symbolic
analogy, and we may refer to it as symbolic homology.
There are several sets of caveats that need to be pointed out. First,
we have inherited an abstract conception of the world from Western
Philosophers, and we have a decided tendency to confuse the abstraction
with the reality. We have a further tendency to not allow for
variability of rules or relationships, even in our basic concepts of
positive or logical identity--a thing is a thing, and not something
else. If a thing is an abstraction that stands for a set of real things,
then we can understand that real things may vary in detail and still
remain parts of the set as a whole. The consequences for this tendency,
we can call it a logical fallacy of absolute identity, or the fallacy of
over-abstraction, is to deny or fail to see the exceptions to the rule
that we set down for ourselves, and to fail to see, especially in
science, that the rules follow the exceptions and observations, and not
the other way around.
The second set of caveats concerning this issue is the quest for
absolute certainty in our scientific knowledge of our world, a quest we
have again inherited from an abstract, mathematical model of the world.
Failure to gain a sense of certainty due to the inherent variability
encountered in real systems and their components results in a kind of
"epistemo-pathology" of knowledge--a neurosis that attaches
itself to a rigid, obsessive-compulsive form of methodology in the quest
for knowledge that leads to the rejection of evidence that does not fit
the type.
The final set of caveats concerning this issue involves the
paradigmatic structure of scientific theory and methodology as this is
articulated by scientific communities, as pointed out by Thomas Kuhn for
the field of physics and cosmology. A community arrives at a received
worldview, a theoretical model of their knowledge forte', as
demonstrated by a body of methods and the results of these methods. As a
consequence of the consensus and reinforcement for conformity, the
constraint of the community as a knowledge system controlling the state
of affairs regarding a particular problem set and subject, competing or
alternative viewpoints are not permitted to coexist or be developed,
even if new evidence emerges as the consequence of empirical
investigation that does not clearly or cleanly fit the received view of
the world.
It was the physicist Niels Bohr who, encountering the problem of the
relativity of knowledge concerning the exact instantaneous state of an
electron in its orbit about an atomic nucleus, derived the conclusion
that scientific knowledge is not built on exactitude or on the notion of
direct causal determinism, but instead on the built-in possibility of
the complementariness of alternative viewpoints depending upon the
context of observation, and it was this same philosopher of science who
extended this epistemological and methodological paradigm to the
biological and anthropological sciences as well. I think it was he who
should be first credited with the insight of natural systems philosophy,
even if he did not at the time directly refer to it as such.
Contemporaneous to Niels Bohr, the biologist Ludwig von Bertalanffy
arrived at similar conclusions, especially concerning the behavior and
structure of cells and organisms, and who sought to extend the
principles in a systematic way to all fields of the sciences. It was von
Bertalanffy who appended the name "general systems theory" to
this philosophical approach towards the sciences, and who afterward
elaborated many of the basic tenets of this approach.
Systems Relativity
by
Hugh M. Lewis
In nature, and in the larger sense of reality, everything is
connected to everything else, whether directly or remotely and
indirectly. One might be inclined to see reality as a vast
"scale-free" network system. But everything is not connected
to everything else in exactly the same way--in fact, the bulk of
empirical evidence suggests that everything connects to everything else
not just differently, but uniquely in an exact and discrete sense to
each instance and circumstance of a thing in question.
Systems relativity is a basic condition of all human knowledge of
reality that comes from several different sources at once, but meets in
an somewhat inherently ambiguous middle ground. We may refer to forms of
design relativity, structural relativity and relational relativity as
alternative facets of expression of systems relativity, albeit from
varying points of view.
No real system may occur in a total vacuum or complete isolation, and
so all systems are interconnected to other systems. In fact, as we observe
nature carefully, we come to realize increasingly that systems
interconnect upon many different levels simultaneously.
Of course this is a rather simplistic "theory of
everything" model, a bit of over-generalization about the structure
of reality, but it provides a direct and dramatic entry into
understanding the general problem of Systems Relativity--which
can be described as a fundamental constraint upon our knowledge of
reality in terms of our capacity, both inherent and external, to know or
perceive the relations of things in a complete or even sufficient
manner.
It will be demonstrated furthermore that science, in whatever form or
methodology this takes, moves forward in a systematic manner by means of
coming to terms with the general problems of systems relativity, in
relation to a specific domain or area of knowledge, in the accounting
for the determinancy of relationships between event structures. It does
not do this necessarily in a deliberate way, but such underpinnings are
implicit and inherent to all general or specific scientific
methodologies.
The entire basis of a general systems framework, and of a scientific
worldview and methodology based upon a general systems approach, is that
of dealing centrally with the problem of systems relativity as this is
found to occur phenomenally in natural event structures. Defining a
general systems framework depends upon excoriating the relational
patternings shared by most if not all systems, regardless of the
differences occurring between systems. This cannot be done
scientifically in either an empirical or a rational sense if a careful
accounting of the differences that occur between systems cannot be made.
The challenge of science becomes describing how things are
interconnected, with the understanding that though not everything is
interconnected in the same way, some things are connected in similar
ways to other things. Traditional science has come from a framework of
magic that held to loose analogical relationships, a natural consequence
of the dialectical and duality structure of human symbolic logic, and
came in time to impose on explanation and its own rites of performance
the more restrictive criteria of the demonstration of homological
relationships between event structures. Homological relationships
stipulate a condition of historical precedence and consequence, and of
genetic relation and therefore some sense of causal dependency. This has
been the emphasis of conventional science. Systems-based frameworks
extend the framework upon a structural level to embrace the
informational patterns of systems of all kinds, regardless of their
level of articulation or form--thus otherwise unrelated kinds of systems
from different levels of pattern organization, say a molecule and a cell
and an organism, may be comparable mechanically or informationally
on the basis of their patterning of organization of relations or the
dynamic development of relational structures that occur in such
different systems.
It has been a common observation and generalization that reality and
nature has organized itself in certain ways, and the pattern of
organization between many different systems tends to follow very similar
principles of relation and organization, at least upon some level of
analysis and generalization. Science depends for instance on the
possibility of the precise measurement of the physical patterning of
event structures.
The basis for all or any kind of information is fundamentally pattern
organization that is non-random. It is observable that all real
systems that occur are essentially working systems in the sense
that their pattern organization is non-random (contains information) and
operate against an overarching tendency towards randomization or
disorder. Relational structures of whatever kind (and all things in
reality are somehow interrelated) contain information if they are
non-random in occurrence. Understanding significant information (i.e.
non-random pattern) contained in event structures of reality is the
basis for both a systems framework and doing so in a systematic,
measurable manner is the basis of a scientific model of such event
structures.
In our four-dimensional view of the universe, the physical
manifestation of all event structures occur in both time and space, and
it has been demonstrated that we ultimately cannot separate spatial from
temporal modalities of organization. Non-random pattern occurs therefore
both temporally and in spatial expression. We may say that all things
real have some form of physical manifestation, and therefore all real
systems are necessarily, first and foremost, physical systems the
behavior of which can at least be described in physical terms.
From a physical standpoint, therefore, any real system may be
described as an event structure that occurs in time and space and that
exhibits some degree of non-random pattern in its occurrence, and
especially if this non-random pattern endures over time and across space
in a manner that makes its chance or stochastic probability extremely
unlikely under conditions of spatial-temporal symmetry permanence.
The following points, forming a basic systems relativity paradigm,
must be observed:
1. that no such system can occur in a sense of absolute physical
isolation.
2. that non-random pattern or "organization" can endure in
an improbable manner only if "work" is done.
3. from at least a thermo-dynamic perspective, mechanics of real
systems determine that energy must be transported effectively with a
minimal degree of efficiency from the environment into the system on a
continuous basis.
4. no real system can be permanently or absolutely self-organizing,
and therefore completely self-contained in an informational sense.
5. all real systems must be partially open to a larger environment of
relationships that in part deterministically organize systems in a
meta-systems context.
Furthermore, I would be inclined to put forward the proposition that,
at least in the observable universe of physical reality, all energy
transactions are in the final analysis absolutely equal--for any
discrete amount of energy input into a system delimited in time-space,
an exactly equal net amount of energy will be output from the same
system, including the energy required for the pattern of organization
(information) contained in the system. The fundamental equality of all
energy exchange relationships in physical reality appears to be a
universal property of all real systems and can be presumed to be a basic
presupposition of the cosmological principle. In other words, physical
reality in a total or universal sense may have no "leaks",
even if limited "self-organized" physical systems are observed
always to leak.
This sets up certain consequences for all systems, and we may
identify laws of informational dynamics that reflect precisely the
principles of thermodynamics:
1. It is impossible for instance, to squeeze more in total from
a self-contained system than was originally put into a system, whether
this is in terms of energy or information.
2. It is impossible to convert all energy in a self-contained system
into informational organization.
3. There is no such thing as a permanently self-contained system. The
long term trend of any self-contained system is towards increasing
disorganization and loss of information.
4. There can be no totally random system that is self-contained.
Only ideal systems, those that exist only as abstractions, may be
considered to be completely or totally self-organized and self-contained
in an informational sense. All real systems are in fact at best only
semi-self-contained. Science has its basis in the analysis and
measurement of energy transactions in physical event structures that
result in information and that can be considered in some sense to be
minimally self-organizing as "systems." We have just pointed
out, in a rather abtruse manner, scientific justification for why all
systems are relative, in a physical sense at least.
There is more to the story than this, and this other side of the
story has to do with the inherent informational ambiguity of real
systems that affect our capacity to known in an absolutely certain sense
a "system." All real systems may be said to be informationally
dynamic, even only upon a structural level of description. They are
subject to continuous fluctuation and alteration, and hence any attempt
to impose a fixed or "absolute" frame of reference to such
patterning must be construed as inherently arbitrary. The true
difference between a scientific theory regarded as correct and true even
if in a limited manner and a symbolic ideology or mythology is not the
inherent structure of the reasoning processes or knowledge encompassed
by either system of symbolic generalization, but the conditions and
constraints imposed on the foundations of information systematically
used to verify and validate such conceptual constructions. Ultimately,
physical measurement of the patterning of real systems forms the basis
for the former kind of construction, however indirectly derived, while
no such system of constraints operates in the case of non-scientific
ideologies or other symbolic systems. Of course this is not the whole
story of what makes a body of knowledge and a methodology a science, or
of what makes a science a systems-based framework of comprehension of
reality, but it is only a beginning.
Universal Features of Real Systems
by
Hugh M. Lewis
All real systems share a basic set of constraints that may be called
universal and these serve as limiting factors in the articulation and
phenomenal patterning of any system. A real system is any natural or
human made system that occurs in objective reality, as opposed to
non-real systems (i.e., abstract, conceptual or imaginary systems that
lack any demonstrable basis in reality.) Non-real systems may be
considered to be systems that are possible but as yet undemonstrated
through experience. There is thus an overlap between real and non-real
systems, and it is in this overlap that parallax and play exists for the
emergence of new systems heretofore unrealized.
The universal constraints of real systems primarily involve energy
exchange relationships upon a physical level. This energy exchange, of
whatever kind of system, involves both inputs of one form of energy into
a system complex, transformation of this energy along different
pathways, and output of energy in one or more alternate forms, part of
which is always the expenditure of heat. This thermodynamic model of
energy exchange is really only part of the larger equation of energy
transfer in real systems. It seems, all real systems are also subject to
the constraints of gravity and gravitational energy, and these kind of
constraints are not exactly thermodynamic by the conventional model. It
is apparent also that other kinds of energy exchange transactions may be
occurring in all real systems, albeit upon levels or in ways we have
very little direct access to, observationally speaking, and at which we
have not yet begun to understand what is really happening.
All real systems also contain, by virtue of their non-random
organization of relationships, implicit information that is intrinsic to
this relational patterning. Because an informational model is almost
completely describable in terms of an thermodynamic analogy, many of the
constraints that apply in the process of energy exchange transactions in
system also apply to the informational carrying capacity of systems. We
may venture the hypothesis in fact that all energy exchange events in
the universe carry some kind of informational pattern in the structure
of the event that is non-random. If this is true, we may further deduce
that what is most characteristic of any system is its energy
transactions, and all energy transactions in physical reality can be
said to be relatively "systematic" in their occurrence. We
know this for two sets of reasons. In the attempt to understand any
energy transaction, we can always assume that there is always a net
energy balance of zero in any equation we come up with, and this exact
balance of inputs-to-outputs in any "energy" system is also
directly analogous to a model of pure mathematical abstraction. At this
point, pure energy transactions and naturally organized informational
systems are directly correspondent with purely abstract mathematical
models based upon logical equations. Of course, the complexity and chaos
of underdetermined natural systems is virtually impossible to replicate
by means of mathematical models, but the possibility for doing so is
what drives the advance of supercomputing digital simulations of complex
natural event structures like wave action or tornados.
What does all this mean? If we put aside the symbolic rhetoric of our
own language and conceptual/ideological systems, and we approach any
real system in its most basic terms, we can always find an exact
mathematical model, however complex and relatively unavailable, that
perfectly describes the deterministic behavior of the system in question
in terms of its energy transactions. However chaotic and disordered an
explosion might be, if we could replay the events in an exact sequence
and simultaneously, we would be able to mathematically map the chain of
energy reactions that composed such an event.
Some kinds of constraints are obviously connected to the energy
transactions of systems--there is always a loss of heat energy in any
real system, such that the efficiency of energy input to the used energy
output is always less than 100%. And such a system can never be
completely ordered in a non-random, deterministic sense, but its pattern
will always contain some degree of random "noise" that is
essentially unpredictable.
There are other related limitations we may find universal to all real
systems. All real systems contain some degree of indeterminacy or
variability built into it on a structural level. All real systems are
subject to change and dynamic fluctuation over the long term. All real
systems change along pathways that are paradigmatically predefined for
systems of a similar kind and magnitude. Change in systems is
inevitable. All real systems may be said to have a finite state-path
trajectory that describes the life-cycle of a particular kind of system.
The informational patterning associated with any real system is
transformed on the basis of the stage of the life-cycle and the
surrounding environmental events that occur to that system.
All real systems achieve some stable, steady-state configuration in
an intermediate phase of its development, which state configuration
generally defines the system as such taxonomically and categorically.
The mature or parent state of a normal system contains the general
informational patterning that can be used in the classification and
analysis of different kinds of systems. The fact of inexorable change of
any real system imposes certain temporal constraints upon that system.
Any system can last only so long before it perishes as such and its
elementary components become recycled back into that huge physical
cauldron of the universe.
All systems, as systems, also have spatial constraints that limit
their articulation. Real systems are not only bound in time, but in
space as well. The reasons for the spatial constraint of systems are not
so obvious as they might first appear to be. The best explanation I can
make, and this is only hypothetical and tentative, is that in fact, in
nature, we cannot have an infinite amount of energy in one place at one
time, though we may have an extraordinary amount of energy thus
concentrated in a finite area. Another way of looking at this problem, I
believe, is to restate the idea that we cannot completely or clearly
separate spatial dimensions from temporal event structures, and when we
have the notion of space, we must include in the formula the problem of
time. Hence, if anything is temporally limited due to change, that thing
must also of necessity be spatially limited as well. The idea that any
given spatial area, over a limited period of time, may contain only so
much energy, and hence, information that is inherent to that energy
patterning, sets limits as to the possibilities of growth and size of
systems.
Also, the idea that systems that depend upon energy transactions
between an internal and external environment that are fundamentally
different from one another, across some kind of threshold, also
entails that any real system can be only of finite 3 dimensional size.
An infinitely large system could have no external environment with which
to exchange energy. All energy would be contained within itself. I think
another way of looking at this problem might be to state a precept like
"an infinite amount of energy cannot be obtained from an infinitely
small point in space-time." We cannot compress or squeeze all the
energy of the universe into a single infinitesimally small
"quantum" of space-time. We know that there are relativistic
considerations increasingly at the lower known limits of size--there
appears for instance to be increasing indeterminancy, intrinsic
indeterminancy, of event structure on a small enough scale of
measurement. I do not think the implications of this are completely
understood, but it seems to me even "energy" as we understand
this may be something completely different once we get to a small enough
level of analysis.
Perhaps a simpler way of stating this is that all energy transaction
events, and the systems they represent, occur in finite space as well as
finite time, and thus require both limited space and time for their
occurrence.
We must ask, beyond space-time considerations of energy systems, what
other constraints might all real systems share in common?
All real systems appear to maintain an indefinite internal state of
dynamic equilibrium that is characterized by a gradient between a larger
degree of energy contained internally within the system and the measure
of energy outside of the system, which gradient is maintained and
mediated by certain mechanisms, specific to each kind of system, that
can maintain this gradient by transporting into the system greater
quantities of energy per unit time and space than are lost from the
system either by work, organization or entropy in the system. This state
of equilibrium in a system may be maintained in a stable manner such
that it will not be drastically affected by minor perturbations or
fluctuations of energy levels or exchanges between internal and external
environments.
As a function of the complex internalized organization of systems in
a non-random, semi-deterministic manner, it may be said that any system
exhibits in its patterning certain synergistic properties that are
emergent from the behavior of the system as a system, and that cannot be
attributed completely to any single components or set of components of
the system. In fact, so much does this appear to be the case that all of
nature, and all of reality, appears to have organized and stratified
itself on the basis of emergent properties, that, upon finer analysis,
simply disappear as a consequence of the disruption of the system that
produces the property in the first place. This is as true of protons and
electrons in an atom of hydrogen or a molecule of water, as it is in an
multi-cellular organism or in a star.
We end up with a paradox of systems in a sense being built of a house
of cards, or rather, systems composed of other systems, in turn composed
by other systems, based on properties attributed only holistically to
systems and never to the component parts of those systems. There is
little beyond the enormous intricacies and beauty of natural systems
that is more remarkable than how emergent properties attributed to
systems integration at one level, becomes the basis for the construction
of higher-order systems, and how, in such a way, nature seemingly has
constructed itself, in all its intricacies, from apparently almost
nothing, to what we know it as, including ourselves in that world.
I would not say that these are the only features that are universal
to all real systems. They all share complex relationships between
constituent components, and they all occur within an environmental
context that is essential to the stability and continuation of similar
kinds of systems. Systems cannot arise in environmental contexts that
are not conducive to their occurrence and stability. While this may
sound like a functional tautology, it is quite true that all systems are
environmentally dependent upon the conditions that are conducive to
their development as systems of a particular kind.
While it may seem self-evident to claim these kinds of features as
basic to all real systems, less evident is the degree to which these
same features may be used to describe, for instance, the functioning of
human systems at the several levels that human systems articulate and in
the contexts in which these systems have arisen and developed. Without
the correct environmental conditions occurring, it is like that human
systems, as cultural symbolic systems built upon the linguistic exchange
and transmission of symbolic information, would have arisen in the way
that they did, if at all. And we should pay heed ultimately to the same
sets of constraints that drive our global civilization today, the
insatiable demand for energy and the capacity to utilize this energy in
effective ways.
General Systems Integration
by
Hugh M. Lewis
The general problem of systems integration is central to the entire
challenge of understanding systems of any kind or of framing a coherent
and reliable general systems theory. In its most basic form, the problem
of general systems integration concerns how systems form and behave,
articulated as they are in larger meta-systems contexts, composed of
component parts that interact with one another in ways that result in
the synergistic patterning of the system. The general problem of systems
integration involves the problem of systems relations, which refers back
to the issue of general systems relativity. Also, from another
perspective, it involves the problem of the stratification of reality
and the differentiation of systems from one another and from the
environmental context in which any particular system becomes
articulated. Put another way, the problem of general systems integration
concerns how reality comes together and how it works, and it becomes
therefore a central problem for all fields of science to address, albeit
at the levels and in the particular areas of their specific research
subjects.
One of the central dilemmas of systems integration is that on one
hand it involves bringing things together, and on the other, and
simultaneously, separating things apart. With the problem of the
integration of reality comes the concomitant question of the
differentiation of reality. Just as we see things coming together in
certain ways, and not in others, so we also tend to see things falling
apart in some ways, and usually not in others. A great deal of
differentiation observed in the word can be referred to as developmental
differentiation that has a sense of historical precedence of previous
states and the future-ward consequence of possible or even probably
states. Most developmental differentiation to which no outside chance forces may be attributed, seem to follow a fairly deterministic
or even over-deterministic pattern of dynamic ordering. Much of the
qualities we associate with "systems" of any and all kinds at
whatever level of reality we are referring to, demonstrates this kind of
dynamic ordering through developmental differentiation. We have not yet
figured it out in the physical sciences, but call it Evolutionary theory
in the biological sciences, and argue over progressive human
civilization in the social sciences.
We can say some things about the problem of integration in a formal
sense, and this relates to the structure and informational capacity
related to all systems of any kind or level of analytical description,
and forms the foundation for a general systems approach to science. For
instance:
1. A totally undetermined system is one in which all possible causal
relations, and hence all possible outcomes, are equally likely, and the
outcomes are completely stochastic in a chaotic sense.
2. A totally determined system is one in which there is only one set
of causal connections between components and only one possible outcome
from the system. Such a system can be said to be anti-chaotic.
3. The observation of nature and of any real system reveals that
systems may be neither totally determined nor completely
undetermined--in fact, no natural phenomena appears to occur that is
either completely determined or undetermined.
4. All real systems as coherent and differentiated entities appear to
be finite and limited in physical parameters of both time and space.
They achieve a limited degree of deterministic order, for a limited
frame of time and space, and in relation to both internal and external
constraints.
5. The limited integration achieved by real systems are neither
completely self-organizational nor organized as a consequence of
meta-systemic interactions in the environment, but as a complex
combination of both sets of factors in interaction.
6. All real systems are in a state of continuous fluctuation that is
describable in terms of non-linear dynamics and control theory, and
hence such changes follow probabilistic pathways within a paradigm of
possible alternatives that are available to statistical measures of
description.
We may describe for any system a unique informational paradigm in
which the dimensions of order to disorder are contrasted with the
dimensions of internal to external constraints:
|
Systems Informational Paradigm |
Measure of Order |
Measure of Disorder |
Measure of Internal
Constraint |
Measure of External
Constraint |
| Measure of Order |
order/order? |
disorder /order |
internal constraint /order |
external constraint /order |
| Measure of Disorder |
order /disorder |
disorder/disorder? |
internal constraint /disorder |
external constraint /disorder |
| Measure of Internal
Constraint |
order /internal constraint |
disorder /internal constraint |
internal/internal
constraint? |
external constraint /internal constraint |
| Measure of External
Constraint |
order /external constraint |
disorder /external constraint |
internal constraint /external constraint |
external/external
constraint? |
The profile of any system's informational paradigm may be said to be
unique to that particular system, if we can define in a precise way the
constraints that constitute the system. In other words, the problem of
systems integration boils mathematically (i.e., physically) down to a
problem of complex mutual constraint between discriminating factors,
both the degree and direction of constraint. These variables may only be
modeled in terms of complex differential equations, and the changes that
factors undergo within a system paradigm are continuously in
fluctuation, such that we may only identify in iterative states discrete
instances of a system in developmental transition.
The description of systems integration may be best modeled by the
mechanism of a periodic inter-harmonic resonance amplification device,
or more simply, as a pendulum, or rather as a set of pendulums each
oscillating at a different frequency and rate.
This paradigm is somewhat deceptive though, because it disguises the
true complexity of systems interaction and behavior in a discrete sense.
It presents measures of order, disorder, internal and external
constraint in a composite sense, disguising the complex and uncertainty
factors that would make up each measure, and not accounting for the
internal variables and relationships that affect the overall measures.
It is precisely these sets of variables that render the entire system
one of continuous fluctuation and change, and one that is rooted in
complexity of interrelationship.
In other words, it is quite unrealistic to consider that we can
obtain at any one point in time a true and accurate measure of internal
or external constraint or of relative order or disorder, much less to
reliably describe these in any consistent manner. We in fact lack the
language or the logic to do so in a simple manner, and even the
descriptive analysis of the simplest of systems rapidly breaks down
under the weight of the exponential increase of complexity entailed by
the extension of such a paradigm. But our language does provide us with
the trick of symbolic magic, the fallacy of being able to talk about
systems, and components and measures of systems, in a composite manner
as if these are in fact real and true to life.
And if we think about it all information is really this way--the
information we have is that of the past stream of events, and never the
current condition of reality. The problem of integration is the paradox
of change, and the dilemma of having to describe change in terms that
are intrinsically static. Of course this is also our saving grace, as we
are permitted to speak qualitatively about reality, in terms of
inaccurate or imprecise generalities and implicit generalizations, when
it becomes impossible to speak about reality otherwise or in terms that
are "really real." This does not weaken our scientific
knowledge, but only strengthens it by a realization of its own
relativities.
The rub of the matter is that in fact real systems do come to exhibit
stable states and configurations, and even stadial patterns of
development from one stage to another, and it is the symbolic structure
of our language and logic that lends itself most readily to the
description and understanding of these conditions. We see this as the
emergent patterns and properties associated with systems of all kinds
and as important to their identification as such. We may not easily
understand the problem of integration directly, fundamentally, in a
completely analytical manner, but we can readily approach the problem in
terms of the consequences and results of integration.
Developmental Differentiation and
Equi-finality
by
Hugh M. Lewis
The basis of all change processes of all natural
systems are the dynamics of developmental differentiation of systems. We
find this developmental differentiation at all levels of analysis of
biological systems, and I have hypothesized it to occur for physical
systems as well, if we look at a large enough and fundamental enough frame of
reference. It is apparent as well that upon a human cultural level there has
occurred developmental differentiation of human populations especially
in the last 50,000 years of human prehistory.
We find for instance developmental differentiation of
a multi-cellular organism from a single cell into a coordinated system
of different kinds of cellular tissues serving different functions. In
such organisms, the integration of the organism as a whole takes clear
precedence in a functional sense over the functioning of the cells
themselves. Upon a population level, it is apparent that groupings of all
kinds of species are involved in long-term processes of
continuous evolutionary differentiation. We expect in human languages
the continuous divergence of dialects in areas and the fragmentation of
these areas into numerous speech groups differentiated by many isoclinal
patterns of variation. Similarly, we can hypothesize the continuous
historical differentiation of cultural traditions in a region, the
effects of extraneous variables and outside acculturative forces
notwithstanding.
Contrary to received big bang theory, I have
hypothesized a similar "cold fusion" developmental dynamics of
physical reality over a very large compass of space and time, a process
that has led to an increasing formation of matter and mass-based
subsystems, primarily in the form of star formations.
This pattern of developmental differentiation
hypothetically universal to all natural and real systems runs against a
basic notion prevalent in general systems theory, that of equifinality
of the steady-state pattern of systems of a given kind, such that no
matter what the initial differences in starting points of such systems,
the outcomes would tend toward a normal pattern of dynamic equilibrium
of a common type of system that would include dynamic buffers against
perturbation of change.
Clearly both patterns are evident in natural systems,
and it is my contention that such patterns are in fact entirely
complementary to one another in their occurrence in natural systems. In
general what distinguishes a common kind or type of a system is
primarily the sense of equifinal convergence of such systems to a
common configuration, regardless of the initial starting
conditions. This does not contradict or obviate the second patterning of
the developmental differentiation of any particular system, or of any
particular type of system, along some continuum or range of pattern
variation. We can see the relationship between the principle of
equifinality of systems and developmental differentiation as the
relationship of the bell-shaped curve to the graph coordinates on which
it is drawn. Systems of all kinds tend toward certain expected norms of
patterning that may be said to be complex and heterogeneous in
structure, and yet all systems simultaneously vary systematically along
a complex range of variables that are composite dimensions or parameters
of a kind of system.
The dynamic equilibrium characteristic of a stable
or steady-state system concerns a stadial perspective of processes which
seen from the standpoint of developmental differentiation may appear
otherwise as relatively continuous. All biological organisms pass
through a series of states or stages of their developmental cycle, or
life cycle from birth to death. From a biological standpoint, an
organism is successful ultimately if it in turn produces viable and
reproductively successful organisms upon reaching a steady-state stage
of physical maturity.
The concept of equifinality appears to address the
central part of most systems that involve the stable state-path
trajectory of a fully developed system during which prolonged period
(relative to the total life-cycle) internal structural differentiation
or growth is minimized. In mature biological organisms, cells reach a
level of division and growth in which they are primarily replacing dead
or lost tissue, rather than growing new tissue structures.
It is systems that achieve such stable state-path
trajectories that we tend to ascribe as systems--we are less inclined to
look at event phenomena that follow rapid or destructive trajectories as
"systems" as such as they appear to lack one of the central
qualities of a "system," that being a sense of long lasting
dynamic equilibrium and self-maintaining organization of structure. At
the same time, we also understand as well that all systems have a demise
and come to an end eventually, and this is also expected from any form
of event we may seek to understand. Indeed, the only truly equifinal
state that all systems must eventually meet is the fate of final demise
as a system.
I do not write this essay to quibble over the finer
points of the problem of developmental differentiation and how it might
relate to the concept of equifinality. Rather the main point is to
address why developmental differentiation is important to an
understanding of reality, and how it may apply to a systems based
adaptive framework in reality.
If from a theory of a dynamic state universe, we
hypothesize that all systems originally emerged from a common background
framework, in a sense sprang from a single fundamental, primary,
original "system" then we can conclude that the
differentiation of systems eventually became the consequence of systems
primarily differentiated interacting with one another, in selective
ways, that resulted in the increasing differentiation of old systems and
the emergence of new systems. Reality, or all that encompassed by our
total universe, would in such a model have become thereby an
increasingly dynamic and turbulent place, as different systems,
originally springing from a common source, began interacting with one
another leading to the formation and emergence of entirely new patterns
of phenomena that could in turn be described as systems themselves.
I hypothesize that there has probably never been a
time, except for some "beginning" time, which may not have
been "time" at all, has there ever been a sense of a system or
set of systems that have occurred in total isolation or as single
systems, and that cannot be said to have arisen as the consequence of
interactions and a developmental history of interactions, between
different and differentiating systems at all levels.
Reality, and the universe at large, can be
hypothesized to be a state or condition in general that is tending
towards increasing differentiation, just as a tree that springs from the
ground from a single seed branches and spreads itself more and more,
above and below ground, until what was originally a single germ becomes
eventually an entity of millions of leaves and roots.
But this analogy of the tree as a differentiating
system is somewhat misleading, as it will be observed that our tendency
to speak of systems as if singular and in isolation does not answer the
issue of the interaction of multiple systems in relation to one another,
and the developmental consequences that are the product of this. If we
realize that a tree is nothing without soil, air, water, and that
certain kinds of trees can only grow in certain kinds of climates and
biomes, then we see that a tree itself is an interacting, and not an
isolated, kind of system, and its developmental possibilities and
outcomes are largely dependent upon the systems based context in which
it arises and takes shape.
The interaction of systems may be referred to as
either destructive, innocuous or constructive in terms of the
consequences of the interaction. We may borrow furthermore from
evolutionary theory and refer to convergent, divergent or parallel forms
of interaction that lead to consequences of one kind or another.
Furthermore, the interaction of two complex systems, must in itself be
inherent complex, and hence the addition of the interaction of more than
two systems becomes exponentially more complicated with the addition of
every new interacting system.
We understand the paradigm of developmental
possibilities of two or more interacting systems may follow a range of
alternatives, from destructive, to constructive, to some form of
intermediary indeterminancy or complementariness. In effect, we observe
within such a paradigm of possibilities the same kind of developmental
paradigm we ascribe to the non-linear control dynamics of systems
themselves, as if they were isolated and not interacting systems. In
fact, I would probably argue, at least from an intuitive point, that the
occasion of a paradigm of non-linear control is primarily the result of
the complex interactions between systems, and not the intrinsic
developmental constraints of a system in and of itself, which would
tend, on average, towards a sense of equifinal convergence to a single
complex but stable state equilibrium.
In a sense this idea vindicates the notion that a
giant meteorite or a super-volcano caused a phase of sudden
mass-extinction which resulted in a major shift in evolutionary change
on the earth, as in such events we can see a grand scale of systems
interactions between living and non-living things. But we would not even
need to invoke such spectacular cosmic or geological events in order to
use this principle of systems interactions to explain how extinctions
and mass extinctions may have arisen merely and primarily as a
consequence of the shifting interactions of different species and kinds
of species across multiple biomes and trophic levels, triggered as this
may have been by gradual changes of the geophysical substrate, the
climate, and so forth.
Developmental differentiation then, like structural
organization, cannot be completely or sufficiently accounted for on the
basis of the intrinsic developmental possibilities of a single system
construed analytically as if in isolation from its natural environment in
interactive relationship with other systems. We cannot have
completely intrinsic developmental differentiation of individual,
relatively isolated systems, just as we cannot have completely
self-organizing systems that are not subject to some larger meta-systems
context. Even in cases, as with the developmental growth of individual
organisms, and the process of cell differentiation, more attention
should be paid perhaps to the interaction of emergent systems in the
body that affect these developmental outcomes.
The sense of equifinality achieved by an particular
system or class of systems is an indirect consequence of the
differentiation of systems based upon mutual interactions and the
stratification of such systems across space and time. We may hypothesize
for instance that systems achieve stable, steady-state configurations in
their relational patterns that represent in a relative way optimal
solutions to the problem of integrative organization within a larger
context of open interactions. Such a solution would be equivalent to a
local "rest" state at which level entropy producing
interactions and order producing interactions are effectively balanced.
Natural tendencies toward greater entropy are indefinitely arrested and
do not take over such a system, as these are effectively counterbalanced
by processes, drawn from the larger environment, in which energy of
sufficient levels can be transported back into the system. A car, for
instance, in motion represents a steady state system, just so long as
there is gasoline in the tank. To keep a car running, of course, one
must keep putting more petroleum into the tank. Similarly, biological
organisms must regularly take a meal in order to keep functioning in a
stable manner. Borrowing again from ecology, we might state that systems
naturally tend toward and reach their intrinsic/extrinsic
carrying-capacities in their developmental growth and in their levels of
integrative complexity
To summarize and conclude this exploratory essay, I
would like to hypothesize that under certain prevailing natural
conditions, which in fact and principle seem to be omnipresent in the
universe, developmental differentiation of natural systems, leading to
compartmentalization and stratification of reality, are expectable
outcomes of complex variable interactions occurring in environments that
can be considered open and underdetermined. I would state a principle,
less obvious perhaps, that equifinality of stable, steady state systems
is also an expectable outcome of the developmental differentiation and
stratification of multiple systems.
Systems Cybernetics and the Challenges of Meta-systems Integration
by
Hugh M. Lewis
For purposes of this essay, I offer the following
operational definitions:
Meta-system: A "system of systems,"
and, theoretically, a generalized system of less general and more
particular systems. Also, a philosophical and theoretical dialog about
systems relativity and systems contexts.
Cybernetics: The logical organization of
information that is implicit to the functional, developmental and
relational-structural patterning of any given system. Usually cybernetic
systems are looked at from the standpoint of control and feedback
mechanisms that serve to maintain a complex stable-state of dynamic
equilibrium over the structure of the long run and the large.
Cybernetics also implies a model of nervous system feedback and
organization typical of all animals, which is a model especially fit and
adapted for the cognitive sciences and the development of artificial
intelligence.
Integration: The problem of integration is the
central theoretical and applied problem of general systems theory and
methodology. Systems integration may be defined as the problem of
understanding how systems come together, and how the components of
systems interact, in such a way as to produce emergent properties
that are uniquely associated with a particular kind of system.
Furthermore, meta-systems integration implies that there are ordered
relationships not only of parts of systems, but between different kinds
of systems, and this overarching sense of order forms the foundation for
our understanding of the world.
Before proceeding let it be remarked that not
everything in the world is integrated, nor was everything even meant to
be integrated. In fact, most things that occur in the world appear to
occur in a relatively un-integrated and therefore independent manner.
And it seems, at least as far as we can tell, if left alone, things in
the long run tend to fall apart. Things seem to go from states of
greater integration to less integration. And this poses a riddle about
the natural organization of reality--how did integrated systems come
about in the first place if the tendency of all self-organization is
towards greater disintegration. True Believing, born again, bible thumping
Presidents hold to "Intelligent Design" which is another
euphemized way of saying "God created the world in six days and
rested on the Sabbath." But origin mythology aside, the sciences
are indeed hard pressed to answer the question of the seemingly
spontaneous stochastic self-organization of integrated systems when the
overarching tendency in the universe is definitely towards
disintegration.
Integration is what can be called organization of
things into a larger whole, a system, which occurs over time and space
in some self-consistent way. Any such organization requires working
energy to maintain, and it also implies knowledge, or a sense of order,
in its functional and structural relationships. So the question becomes,
without some sense of predetermination being involved, or without the
hand of some deliberate or intentional being, how did systems arise,
apparently by themselves, in nature, when the gradient for all events
seems to be in the opposite direction?
Ludwig von Bertalanffy essentially solved this riddle,
and thereby laid the foundation for general systems theory as a
fundamental paradigm for the sciences. First, he identified the
difference between ideally closed systems, upon which the conventional
laws of Thermodynamics were based, and the idea of partially
closed/partially open systems. Second, he restated the principle that
there can be no completely self-organizing systems, with the idea that
systems may be partially self-organizational through interaction with
the environment, and particularly, with interaction of other systems
within the environment. Finally, he stated that systems may become
self-organizing and integrative as complex-state, order-increasing
systems in the context of open environmental situations when conditions
of energy transport into the system may temporarily outweigh the loss of
energy from the system, due primarily to the immediate availability of a
certain form of energy and the availability of suitable transport
mechanisms that permit energy to be carried into the system with a
certain level of efficiency.
It appears for instance that the explanation for the
spontaneous self organization of living systems as we have uncovered
these from the strata of the earth follows precisely this general
systems model, and can be explained scientifically in no other way. Any
living system we know about on earth follows this same pattern of
organization and systemic integration, however convoluted and
meta-biotic they have become, and it can be hypothesized in a reliable
way that any living system we may in the future encounter in the
universe will also follow the exact same principle, albeit if not in
exactly the same ways.
I would like to theoretically explain the spontaneous
self-organization of physical systems by a similar model, but Big Bang
creationists, thank you George Gamow, will have nothing to do with
alternative paradigms. The organization of energy upon a fundamental
level has yet to be clearly ascertained, if it ever can be clearly
ascertained, given the statements of relativity that have been
forthcoming regarding physical event structures.
And, if we are to believe prognostications of global
warming and conspiracy theories about the fossil fuel wars, it appears
that human systems, as grand state systems, operating upon the same
basic guidelines, much to the chagrin of traditional capitalists and
social engineers of all kinds.
The problem of systems solutions and integration is fundamentally the
problem of solving the Von Neumann information bottle-neck in the search
solution space for any given problem set. Each system imaginable or demonstrable in reality has one or more
abstract symbolic representations that may be used for the purpose of
relational and structural generalization about systems. The challenge of integration can be said to the problem of getting
behind any immediate, or relatively local solution set, to achieve a
more comprehensive or general solution set that properly integrates the
local solution to a larger frame of reference. Systems integration is
successful if local solutions, as subsystems, become coordinate to and
incorporated within a larger systems framework.
The problem of this is
the relativity of systems by size, scale and generality. Many systems
occur in the world independently, and there is no clear sense why they
should be integrated. Ideally, we would want to create a socio-political
system in which all people, as individual human systems, are independent
and wealthy enough to pursue their own goals as long as these goals do
not hurt or hinder the freedom of anyone else. There is no sense in such
a world that there must be a single overarching ideological or political
entity by which the interests of all people should be made to conform to
a single set of general standards, however these may be conceived. On
the other hand, there appears in any socio-political meta-system a need
for the rule of just law that may apply to all people equally, without
double-standards, without religious or racial bias, etc., etc.
It is clear that if any real or possible system is underdetermined in
any ultimate sense, then there is no reason to conceive of or attempt to
design a meta-system, or a system of systems, that is itself more
over-determined than the systems it contains. At the same time, it is
generally conceded that in the long run some form of meta-systems
integration is perhaps inevitable, in whatever manner it may be
eventually achieved or realized. There is a clear sense, for instance,
that the mass extinctions that followed the Permian or the Triassic were
probably not caused by a gigantic meteorite or a super-volcanic
eruption, which would be part of systems by themselves, but from the
inherent dynamics of biological meta-systems that tend to run towards
deterministic integration in the long run. Therefore, over-determination
through meta-system integration is not always the most desirable state
to achieve, and in fact may eventuate ultimately in a rather night-marish
state.
The entire criticism of modern development has been the pursuit of
local solutions that are not generalizable to global problem sets, and
the lack of coordination of resources and information that would permit
such generalization of solutions in a common context to take place. What
occurs in this perspective is not the over-determination of systems, but
the mass wastage of resources, and inefficient utilization of systems,
and the arising of critical events from complex states, that result in
destructive interference of systems or subsystems and the increase in
randomization of systems. This
is not the same as foisting on the world a limited symbolic ideology or
a form of "planned development" that stems from power and
relatively narrow-minded and self-serving interests. It is rather a
challenge of figuring out an appropriate generalizable methodology that
can be considered genuinely comprehensive in design and therefore
universally applicable, with the appropriate modifications, to all
manner of different kinds of local problem sets.
Systems are good to think for humans because human thought is
organized upon systems principles. The emergent properties associated
with mind, and found to be transcendent to the functions of the brain,
are the properties of the brain functioning as a super complex system in
a symbolic manner. The entire mind-body dichotomy that underlies
particularly Western Philosophy, and the binding problem that lies at
the heart of philosophical debate concerning AI, resolves itself upon a
systems-based perspective. This is not to say that we necessarily
understand in any adequate way how the brain functions as a system to
create the noetic properties of mind, but this system, as natural as it
is, and as a unique product of natural evolution, forms the central
basis for human systems that are to be distinguished analytically from
biological and physical systems.
The entire challenge of attempting to design and articulate a
comprehensive systems-based framework has resolved itself on the problem
of integration. It is largely a cybernetic problem as it represents
attempts to think through to solutions to problems that lie behind more
immediate solutions. It is a cybernetic problem not only because systems
are naturally good for humans to think and act in, but because all
systems themselves that have any sense of order carry information and
this information can be said to be cybernetic in terms of its
integration. We are attempting to move from local problem sets
to basic and global problems, to try to get behind local problem sets to
see what connects them to larger frameworks. To a great extent this
feels like an ever vanishing horizon, and with each step towards greater
generality, there is implied an exponential jump in the levels of
complexity that are being subsumed in the search-solution space.
The problem can be resolved in two ways--formally through the
implementation of alternative general frames of reference, and
heuristically through the implementation of practical shortcuts of
working presuppositions that permit us to resolve some of the
complexities for practical purposes. Fortunately, we have some fairly
powerful heuristic shortcuts that allow us to resolve complexities at
every-turn. One can even say that symbolic organization of
consciousness, manifest for instance in human speech, permits us to put
a simple and sweet symbolic label on a complex reality, and then to
treat that reality by means of its symbolic handle as if they were one
and the same thing. Even human perception appears to accomplish the same
tricks of the imagination, in numerous ways and instances, that saves us
the problem of processing all the information and signals that exist in
the world. The more formal approach of course is large the approach of
scientifically methodologies, in whatever way they are expressed or
realized in terms of research and application in the world. These
approaches tend overall to be more systematic, more deliberate, more
analytical in dealing less with generalizations and more with the
details of reality subsumed by such generalizations.
Backward chaining of inference structure is an important
consideration of achieving comprehensive solution sets to general
problems, and this process allows a formalization of solutions and their
organization into a larger meta-systems framework with the promise of
creating relatively complete computer-based integration of the framework
utilizing a relevant inference engine and suitable database structures.
In fact, it provides the entire basis for seeking a comprehensive
systems-based solution set that can be cybernetically expressed in terms
of computer-based design and management of information. If we recognize
that all real systems carry information as intrinsic to the fact of
their functioning organization, and knowledge, like work, requires
non-random modulation and transference of energy, then we understand
that the capacity to program knowledge based informational systems
provides tremendous power to construct and maintain alternative working
systems of all conceivable kinds.
I consider in fact backward chaining systems of inference to be so
cybernetically important, especially in terms of the possible automation
of artificial systems, that once we have achieved a global generalized
solution set, all other possible problem sets may be logically and
functionally integrated in an adaptive manner. This is perhaps my own
specialized bias as an anthropologist, but it remains quite evident that
the integration of human reality, and all reality is, from an
anthropological standpoint, humanly filtered reality, is cybernetically
organized and ordered in such a manner that is both good to think and
good to do.
To compare this to conventional approaches to systems problem
solving, which are based primarily upon empirical and experiential
expertise through specialization and the division of labor and the
implicit kind of structural-functional organization this entails, we may refer to this fundamentally
as a forward chaining inferential approach, which relies upon a series
of selections of known choices and progressive delimitation to a final
selection. It is called the coke-machine approach to cybernetic problem
solving, and works well with small ranges of choice that are in keeping
with natural cognitive limitations of people. Such a system does not
work well though with very large sets of alternatives or very complex
systems.
The sciences have largely been articulated and organized on an
empirical and analytical basis. This by itself is nothing bad, but it
does represent by and large a tendency towards forward chaining
solutions from particulars to generalities, rather than backward
chaining from generalizations to particulars. Of course, science is not
strictly speaking a forward-chaining affair even if it is mostly taught
and idealized in this manner--the greatest contributions in science have
been largely backward chaining theories that represent general systems
solutions to basic problem sets, like the theory of evolution and the
general theory of evolution. Careful and tedious observation to detail
may have preceded the formulation of these theories, but by no means did
the theories themselves depend or hinge upon such observation alone.
The basis for the Lewis Works framework has been the understanding of
the universal applicability of general systems principles, and the
potential value that can be derived from such understanding. It stands
to reason that the studied application of such principles to general and
special problem solving endeavors would in part serve the purposes of
achieving relatively integrated solution sets at various levels of
organization of reality. But this is not a problem that can be directly
attacked or arbitrarily by the deliberate application of systems
principles. It is a problem that can only be achieved through creative
insight and intuition, through experience with different kinds of
systems in all ways and at all levels, and through the process of
discovery associated with the recognition and appreciation of the
developmental emergence of systems.
A final proviso must also be remarked upon. Though Lewis Works has
adopted a general systems perspective as a comprehensive framework for
problem solving and project application, a systems perspective by itself
is not the only or exclusive point of view that carries any relevance to
the understanding of different kinds of things or phenomena in the
world. The differences of each thing, or each kind of thing, must be
appreciated for what they are, and understood in the unique terms that
they represent by their design, whether this is conceived in a systems
framework or not. In fields like ecology where systems
perspectives are almost automatic and therefore quite obvious, there is
always an on-going debate between the analytic approach and a systems or
holistic approach. Ultimately, it is the holistic approach that is
capable of comprehending and incorporating the analytical perspective,
and not the other way around. This kind of debate is really a hen or egg
dilemma, once again, or rather a mind-brain dichotomy or a ghost in the
machine kind of paradox. In terms of anything we may study or approach
for study, the analytical or holistic perspective is neither privileged
over nor exclusive of the other approach, whatever our manifest values
or predilections in scholarship.
Natural Order and the Dao of Chaos
by
Hugh M. Lewis
We cannot attribute any form of outside agency or predetermination in natural systems. The only form of determinancy that we
can validly recognize as causal to the original organization of nature
and to the continuing development of this organization, is through the
meta-systemic organization and interaction of systems in relation to
other systems. Such attribution of independent agency or
predetermination to natural systems of any kind or order is considered to be a projection of human motive and human intention in
the explanation of events and their origins. Natural order, unlike
human-made order, is generally speaking "self-organizing" in
an open meta-systemic context.
It follows logically that if we are to contemplate the
original sense of order or disorder of the primordial state of
physical reality, the origins of the universe, we must consider the
possibilities of whether any system could have existed in an original
sense, and what factors or events may have occurred that would eventuate
in the organization of reality as we encounter it now.
There is a paradox about natural order, and that is it
appears to rest upon a basic state of random disorder. The fact that
everything appears in the long run to pass from a state of order to
disorder does not preclude by itself the reverse possibility that
ordered states may have arisen stochastically from disordered states.
The likelihood of a system going from a state of disorder to one of
increasing order, everything else being equal, appears highly unlikely.
The only way we can consider this as arising is if the system that
increased in order internally did so at the expense of a larger system
that constituted a critical part of the environment of the ordered
system.
It is difficult to understand how living systems for
instance could have arisen from nothing, from a non-living state of
nature. Science not only demands that we accept this as so, but attempts
to show us how this could be so. Of course, if construed from a purely
systems standpoint, there might not seem anything unusual about the
organization of biological systems from a physical substrate. The
emergent properties demonstrated by living systems might be understood
as just that--as synergistic properties associated with the holistic
organization of systems that, upon a basic level, are purely physical in
character.
If we can imagine a thousand pennies being tossed every second at the
same time, and their face-up value read instantly with each toss, we can
predict at random that most like about half of the pennies will land
tails up and the other half heads up. This is pretty much the basic
state of a disorganized natural world. Now the likelihood that 2/3rds or
3/4 of the coins will all land with the same face value at the same toss
decreases substantially, and the likelihood that all thousand coins, or
nearly all thousand, all land with the same face-up value is even far
more remote. The occasion for the spontaneous, stochastic organization
of living systems from a non-living substrate is comparable to landing
nearly all heads-up or tail-up coins among the entire population of
pennies simultaneously. The coins could toss every second for thousands
and thousands of years and still never arrive at this state of
affairs.
For life, it appears to have concatenated one time in our remote
earth history, and never again. It is possible that it may have arisen
multiple times in multiple places during a very brief window of our
remote geological history, when conditions on earth were so complex and
ripe for these kinds of events to occur. But this window, by geological
standards, must have been a very brief epoch--perhaps only a few years,
or a best a few thousand years in duration. Once life emerged, it
appears to have done so in a fairly resilient and robust manner, such
that until now, it has survived, adapted and evolved into a multiplicity
of forms and possibilities. This evolution itself is nothing less than
remarkable, as it again appears in fundamental ways to violate our
preconceptions about the organization of natural systems--namely that
systems go from a state of order to one of increasing disorder. The
evolution of living forms, particularly the taxon cycle, appears to have
produced increasingly complex and sophisticated living systems, and to
have passed from a phase in which all of life was probably a single set
of unicellular organisms, to what it is today, that is distributed
between several major Kingdoms and many, many differentiated
sub-groupings. This appears to mark the rise of increasingly ordered
systems from systems that were originally less well organized.
It can therefore only be by a similar manner that we can explain the
rise of physical systems in the universe, as the occurrence of a system
of order in a background of natural disorder, however long or brief this
may have been and however widespread or local a point in time and place
we must consider. In terms of the rise of the universe, we have the
notion of a genuine butterfly effect, and we can put forward on the
basis of this the theory that the universe arose to its current states
and distribution of matter an energy by a series of events now extremely
remote in time and space, the long-term consequence has been the rise of
increasingly organized natural systems from a background of random
pattern. We cannot know how many butterflies may have originally
occurred, and perhaps this number is curiously enough infinitely large
as well. It would have been tantamount to a bias in our penny example,
introduced at some early stage of the tossing events, that resulted in
more pennies coming up heads than tails, and with each subsequent toss,
the pennies biased in favor of the heads becoming increasingly biased in
favor of the heads. In other words, we must hypothesize a certain
structure of dependence of early events that influenced the outcome of
subsequent event structures.
If we adopt this kind of analogy, we might wonder what kind of early
cyclical bias may have tipped the balance in favor of the kind of
universe we have, versus some alternative form. For instance, though it
theoretically can occur, we appear to find no real anti-matter in the
known universe on a scale comparable to what we find matter, and in
matter we find a uneven distribution between positively charged protons
and negatively charged electrons. In other words, we do not find
negatively charged protons, as least not as we have observed them,
though we have found positively charged electrons, or positrons. We
observe that most anti-particles do not stick around in the universe
very long, and we must speculate whether the entire universe may not be
asymmetrically lopsided in favor of the distribution of matter versus
anti-matter.
This of course is probably an overly simplistic view of the
fundamental structure and dynamics of the universe, but it is a good
analogy for illustrating the natural organization of physical systems in
reality. If at some early stage in its evolution the likelihood of
matter or anti-matter were even distributed on a random basis, then
something must have occurred that would have tipped the balance in favor
of matter over anti-matter. Some set of events or general conditions
must have occurred that favored the selection of matter over alternative
states of anti-matter. Indeed it is very likely that the same universe,
or universal state, could not be both matter and anti-matter at the same
time unless the universe is more isotropic cosmologically in the grand
sense than we are aware off. States of matter and anti-matter would be
mutually destructive of one another in the same space-time manifold.
There is a fundamental sense in the natural organization of reality
that we can refer to chaos as the grand design of natural systems, and
that all order is based upon and derived from disorder. This makes the
analogy of the collective coin toss a fitting model of how natural order
can occur stochastically, even if and when the odds always tend to favor
random events. In nature, order appears to be a subset of disorder.
Non-random formations appear to arise out of a very large number of
simultaneous random possibilities. The difference between the random
pattern or background noise of physical reality and the non-random
structures that arise appear to be one based upon the occurrence of
dependency relationships. We can attribute to the endurance and
developmental differentiation of non-random pattern in the Universe at
all levels of the stratification of natural systems, to the development
of interdependent relationships that tended to bias the outcomes of
otherwise inherently random event structures. Thus, the kind of
imperfect determinancy that we come to associate with natural systems,
becomes in due course the butterfly effect of natural chaos. If we can
attribute a fundamental sense of indeterminancy of systems of natural
order, we can at the same time discover a profound sense of order to
apparently, complexly disordered systems. Order and disorder appear like
primordial Greek divinities, engaged in a kind of dialectical play in
the fashioning of the natural world, with natural change being the
consequence of their cosmological dance. We are their offspring.
Returning to the question of cosmology, there must have been a state
and time in early stages of the universe (how early could this be if the
universe proves to be eternal and infinite in time and space?) when
protons were produced in fairly prodigious quantities, without the kinds
of pathways that we can hypothesize that they might be produced today.
During this period of time, for whatever sets of unknown reasons, these
protons, produced in vast quantities, began coalescing into more
organized states of matter. Protons thus produced generated large
amounts of radiation, and this radiation in turn may have collided to
produce, for instance, electrons and positrons. If protons were
produced, we can hypothesize that anti-protons were also produced
simultaneously, but for whatever reason did not appear to survive or
build up to the massive quantities that we find protons. It is possible
that protons that appear to be almost perfectly stable and hence
long-lived as fundamental particles, are in this characteristic
precisely opposite to anti-protons in that they may be extremely
unstable and short-lived fundamental entities, virtually disappearing at
the moment of their creation. I suspect that we might find in the
universe today the production of massive quantities of protons wherever
we find massive amounts of radiation of a very short wave-length being
produced from a single source or area at the same time. If anti-protons
do not survive that production process, then they must either become a
part of that radiation emitted or else dissolve into some even more
fundamental states of nature, or possibly some combination of
both.
It thus appears sensible that the chance development of stable
configurations like protons, "practically, permanently perfect in
almost every way," resulted in the biases of change events in the
structure of the universe, and thus the rise of new interdependent
systems that became no longer strictly subject to the laws of disorder.
But I do not see protons as fundamental, self-constituent structures,
which they are from a general systems standpoint, but rather as
componential entities that are composed of yet more fundamental event
structures, but this is a subject for future reference.
"Intelligent Design" and Developmental Differentiation
by
Hugh M. Lewis
A system of any particular kind may be said to symbolically and
functionally represent a general or
particular solution to a certain kind of problem that exists in the
world. From the standpoint of information theory, a systems provides a
finite solution to what can be called an information bottleneck, or the
explosion of informational possibilities in the occurrence of a system
at any particular instance that is so complex that it becomes impossible
to resolve, and the limited means by which this
information can be simultaneously organized and handled in a
semi-non-random manner. We may conclude that all natural or real systems
represent certain specific kinds of solutions to certain kinds of
problem sets, and that multiple alternative systems may represent
alternative solutions to the same or similar problem sets. This is not
to say that all alternative systems are equal to the solution, or that
there might not be a single most-optimal or best system to a particular
kind of system.
Furthermore, in the articulation of any kind of system, it is
observable that there are in the complexities of the organization of
such systems trade-offs between determinants or limiting factors, which
may have an important influence in the developmental trajectories of
such systems. For any given kind of problem set, there is a hypothetical
range of alternative solutions that vary upon multiple dimensions, and
there might be multiple optimal states that satisfy alternative
configurations or instances of the same or similar kind of problem set.
This is of course a rationalistic human understanding of systems.
Natural systems in and of themselves lack any sense of predetermined
purpose or arbitrary design in their informational organization or
transactional articulation. It is the fallacy of human rationalization
that we project upon systems said to be "self-organizing" such
a sense of purpose and predetermined order. The logic of relationships
that occur in natural systems is not a priori formal, but functional and
embedded in the relationships and interactions that occur in all
systems. To call "Divine Will" a projection of the human
imagination upon natural order is not to play down the near miraculous
wonderment and sublime beauty inherent to the organizational patterning
of natural systems at all levels. The fact that we may rationally and
logically deduce that all energy transactions in the universe, when
considered in terms of net inputs and net outputs, will always sum
exactly to zero is itself an amazing aspect of the natural world. But
the true amazement is the human capacity to be aware of these facets of
natural ordering, and to make sense of them in terms that are relevant
to ourselves in multiple ways. In my humble opinion then,
"Intelligent Design," especially as this is used to suggest
the idea of predetermination or intervention or original intention in
the organization of nature, represents a common fallacy of pragmatic
human logic, an extension of the fallacies of naturalization and
reification, that confuses simply our capacity to apprehended in a
rational and intelligent manner the organization of the patterning of
nature, with the relational patterning implicit to nature itself.
Developmental differentiation is
the process of natural change that accompanies the developmental
trajectory of any system. Change is one of the most fundamental
principles of reality. We can attempt to explain change from a purely
physical standpoint in terms of energy transactions, but this form of
systematic accounting, that always in the net equation balances to zero,
is only one dimension of a larger problem that involves information and
pattern organization. This change is inherent to any real system, and
has its sources in the underdetermined nature of cause and effect
relationships both internally to a system and externally between a
system and its environment, either directly or indirectly. The inherent
variability of systems and the interplay between internal and external
factors permit the cross-system realization of its developmental paradigm among a
range of alternative state-path trajectories, and which define such a
system therefore as not just complex, but chaotically so.
The concept of developmental
differentiation from the standpoint of general systems theory seems to
stand diametrically opposed to the idea of equi-finality of systems
development that leads to a common-type solution from a range of
alternative starting points. The question of equi-finality of systems
really is at the center of the problem of synergistic integration of
systems and the notion of dynamic equilibrium and self-organizational
stability that integrated systems achieve. Given an initial set of
alternative starting variables, there exists only a limited number of
possible solutions to the problem of systems integration between these
variables that are capable of yielding a stable configuration exhibiting
properties of synergism and dynamic equilibrium.
Developmental differentiation of a
single system, from one state or stage of its state-path trajectory, to
some alternative stage or state of its history, or of a single system
into multiple alternative systems, refers to the idea of the
simultaneous co-occurrence of multiple systems that are upon a basic
level independent of one another in terms of their internal state
configurations. Invariably it is observed in nature that systems
interact with one another within a larger meta-systems context and that
no system occurs in complete isolation or independence from the
influence of other related systems.
Developmental differentiation describes therefore the process of
continuous divergence from what can be relatively considered to be a
common "proto-type" form, or a base-line type, into multiple
alternative forms. For purely a-biotic physical systems, the pattern of
differentiation seems to be based largely on random or chance factors
that occur early on in the developmental sequence--determinants in early
starting systems may come to play a strong role in subsequent
"iterations" of the system that may in the long run result in
the emergence of different kinds of systems.
Physical systems are not self-propagating or self reproducing as
systems--they do not in themselves carry the information that leads to
the replication of their design. They arise as a natural consequence of
recurrent conditions that lead to expectable outcomes. Biological
systems have solved the problem of self-replication of design as
systems, containing the information necessary for their replication at
the core of their basic structure. The natural concatenation of events
that resulted in the emergence of biological systems were so complex
and, statistically speaking, so unusual, that it is apparent that life
seems relatively rare and sparsely distributed in the universe. Because
they arose from and were based on non-self-replicating physical systems,
the chances for their arising become relatively small and events that
may interrupt this process could arise at almost any time in the
process.
For biotic or living systems, the organization of systems and their
state-path trajectory appear to be non-random, even if the basic
mechanism for change in successive transmission of information remains
randomizing and therefore essentially "blind" in its
occurrence. The point of the non-random determination of the alternative
state-path trajectories of biotic systems lies in part within their
meta-biotic context of interaction with other living systems, and in the
resulting selection regimes that follow from such interaction.
The basis for the non-random selection and developmental
differentiation of living systems seems to me to be rooted in the
challenges of such systems in achieving adaptive and reproductive
survival. The model that has been developed and effectively deployed in
computer simulations is that of the genetic algorithm. We may say that,
based on what we know about systems development as optimal solutions to
implicit problem sets, living systems tend, on average, towards
selection to greater meta-biotic fitness. It has been found that very
specific key features may critically effect the net-fitness of a species
in a specific context, based upon a law of limiting factors, all other
features being equal.
There is no telling beforehand what these key factors of evolutionary
development for a species in any particular period of its taxon cycle
may be--the greater number of known extinct species attests to the fact
that in the long run individual species lose out in playing the game of
life, but that the continuity of life overall has been preserved through
its broad developmental differentiation into multiple kingdoms and
multiple sub-forms. I will hypothesize that developmental
differentiation occurs and results in the differentiation of species
into multiple sub-forms, and in the rise of new species, because, all
other things being, equal, the most optimal form for a given
evolutionary problem set, will on average, have a non-random chance of
winning the game of life over the less optimal solutions. This kind of
functional explanation may be regarded by some as tautological--we only
known successes on the basis of those that survive, but in theory at
least, if we know enough about a given environmental context and the
organisms involved in that context, we should be able to predict the key
determining factors and the optimal solutions before they occur.
When we come to the consideration of human systems, we deal with
culture and symbolic realities, and the attendant consequences of these
in the world. We find that these consequences are often violent and
destructive. We must understand therefore that willpower and
determination that are a function of the capacity of humans to construct
themselves in their world, and to manipulate the world in deliberate
ways, are also fraught with problems of projection and ideological
superstition. These may be truly called non-random systems, but they
often tend to unintended consequences that are due in large measure to
random circumstances and factors that are beyond anyone's capacity to
control. So, what comes off as "Intelligent Design" from a
human point of view, ends up being in the structure of the long run
something far less than "Divinely Intelligent" and often, more
often than not, downright misguided if not completely dangerous in its
outcomes.
If we observe the natural spectrum of traditional human cultures and
languages, we find a process of developmental divergence occurring in
every instance. But this developmental divergence, though it has been
analogically correlated with the speciation of biological populations,
through the concept of gene-culture co-evolution, has been different in
form and character because the transmission mechanisms of cultural,
linguistic and technological information has been largely environmental
and "horizontal" in its occurrence, with acculturation and
trans-culturation occurring with trade and the exchange of cultural
information. There has been nothing biological or genetic about this
kind of exchange. People learn from their environment, explore their
environment, and are capable of adjusting their behavior and their
environment to suit their needs.
At each level of stratification in natural systems, we will find that
developmental differentiation is a inherent outcome of the internal and
extrinsic variability of complex systems that may lead to a paradigm of
alternative possible outcomes. Some sets of outcomes are more likely
than others, and some types of trajectories may be said to be more
optimal than others--stable configurations of systems arise along
optimal pathways because non-stable systems do not last as long and soon
become replaced by other systems. Developmental differentiation may be
said to be a complementary property of natural systems in an extrinsic
sense, and are a function of the fact that the synergistic integration
of systems is never closed, complete or completely determined.
Global Domestication, Cultural Selection and Unnatural Evolution
by
Hugh M. Lewis
A large part of Darwin's observations upon which he
based his theoretical model of natural selection was in fact taken from
the context of the breeding and management of domesticated species in
his native England. Many of the patterns of selection he was basing his
theories upon were in fact the kinds of human selection that had
resulted in the domesticating of many kinds of plants and animals, and
that had a fairly well known human history behind its occurrence. Darwin
was able to infer from the domestic to wild populations that a similar
kind of system of selection was occurring that resulted in the on-going
modification of species.
Taking our cue from Darwin's theory, I would like to
revisit the idea of cultural selection that has resulted in the
domestication of so many different species of floral and fauna for human
cultural purposes. We are in a time now of the global human being, in
which increasingly culture and human civilization is converging to a
single set of implicit technological standards, and this process of
human development is increasingly encapsulating the entire earth and
quickly dividing up the earth's remaining natural spaces as so many
sectors between the interstices of human civilization.
We may hypothesize a kind of global domestication of
feral life forms occurring, that is increasingly forcing many species of
life to either make a jump to a culturally adapted form or else to face
the prospect of rapid extinction. A few species appear to have made the
leap from feral to semi-domesticated and appear as quite successful
within a human background. Other species appear to be unable to make
this kind of jump and appear therefore doomed for evolutionary removal.
In fact more species than not appear to be incapable of effecting this
kind of evolutionary transition, and we may be in the midst of an
unprecedented evolutionary epoch, that really probably started more than
10,000 years ago, that is overall witness another mass extinction event
and the bottlenecking of surviving species.
Recent advances in cloning, genetic engineering and
modification is adding an entirely new dimension to the age old practice
of cultural selection for domestic forms of life. For the first time it
appears that we have the entire mechanism of evolutionary change in our
grasp, under our control, and that we can for the first time begin
shaping species in a kind of designer fashion without having to wait
generations of careful selective breeding and culling to see the
results. We have in a sense accelerated the pace of evolution at the
very moment that natural selection and the evolution of feral forms
appears to be reaching a global standstill and dead end.
Natural selection in the world appears therefore to be
undergoing an important revolution, or rather "evolution" of
its own. Biological systems worldwide, and the global ecology in
general, is becoming increasingly subject to human cultural influences
whether these influences are direct or indirect in effect, and these
influences are serving increasingly as basic factors of constraint, or
limiting factors, that increasingly determine the outcomes of natural
selection regimes and events. Many forms of life are having therefore to
adapt to and survive within the context of a global human ecology, and
many forms of life are failing to achieve this mode of adaptation and as
a consequence are running the risk of extinction. Human culture has
become the modern comet of global mass extinction. The rise of
penicillin resistant strains of bacteria, many of which are almost
exclusively dependent upon the human body as a host, is a clear example
of the rise of new life-forms that are an unintended but expectable
consequence of human cultural selection.
An expectable outcome of this is not only what we are
in the midst of, which is a global mass extinction event that is playing
out over thousands of years, but at an increasing rate that is
positively correlated with the rate of human population growth, but that
as a consequence new forms of life will continue to emerge that come
attached and primarily dependent upon human cultural selection,
intervention and management, either directly or indirectly. It is sort
of like the Yellowstone Grizzlies at the dump site, behaving in ways
that are strikingly human. I would think this kind of transformation of
nature to be something of a perversion of natural design and
evolutionary ecology. It is a kind of Frankenstein complex that leads to
the evolution of monstrosities that merely pass as viable forms of life.
This is true whether we talk about pygmy chimp populations being breed
in captive experimental facilities or stock salmon that return each year
to their hatcheries. We all know of proverbial story of the monster rats
of Chernobyl. Fewer people hear about the pig-sized nutrias invading
Louisiana.
This transformation of the natural world therefore
begs certain basic questions about the future course of life on earth. I
do not think, in the bigger scheme of things, that human kind will come
to completely control or manage all of nature, and that nature might not
in the long run succeed and rebound where human beings fail and
themselves face extinction. We in fact may be much closer historically
to this consequence than we realize or care to admit. I'm sure that even
if we cast human civilization in the shroud of a long-term nuclear
winter, and irradiate ourselves to a bizarre extinction through mass
mutation, we would at the end of the day find life emerging once again
with renewed vitality between the cracks of where our over-rated
civilization crumbles.
Just the same, while we are around and in the driver's
seat, it would behoove human beings to carefully consider where they are
going and how they are going to get there. If we wish to accept the
meta-ethical responsibility of our global dominance as a life-form, then
perhaps we should take the proposition of the cultural selection and
management of life at all levels of its occurrence more seriously and
more to heart than we previously have. With great power to shape life
anew comes grave responsibility to limit and constrain this power in
constructive and wise ways.
By and large the main impact humanity is continuing to
have upon the biosphere is destructive. The shear volume, mass and
behavioral impact of very large human populations on earth seems perhaps
to be more than the earth itself can bear. As with all destruction,
there is the occasion for the reemergence, the rebirth, of life.
Human Biological Dominance, Global Circumscription
& the Doctrine of Universal Natural Rights
by
Hugh M. Lewis
It is becoming increasingly apparent in the world,
obvious to say the least, that the dominant life form on earth is the
human being, Homo sapiens sapiens. How wise we really are remains to be
finally answered, but to argue our relative dominance in contemporary
global ecology is fairly absurd and represents a form of ideological
denial of basic realities. Our ecological dominance is expressed in many
ways. The manner of gravest concern is of course the rapid destruction
and interference of natural ecosystems at many different levels, and
what can be called the phenomenon of global circumscription by the human
species. Circumscription is usually looked at from of the standpoint of
the environment impinging upon human society--to look at circumscription
as human society impinging upon the environment is to case a new light
on an old problem, and to invert our sense of place and complacency in
the world. The idea that increasing degrees and frequency of human
circumscription of human systems, that human systems will continue to
become more involuted with increasing growth.
We do not know what the carrying capacity of the
natural earth is for human population. We are cresting seven billion
people already. Carrying capacity largely depends upon our relationship
to our environment and our capacity to manage both the environment and
ourselves within it. But regardless of our management systems, systems
theory determines that an increasing volume of human population,
whatever the level of average consumption, etc., will result in
increasing depletion of resources of the global system, and, in the long
run, destructive consequences for natural ecosystems. There is no way
that we can sustain a global ecosystem in a healthy state for the long
run no matter what methods and techniques we might adopt to mediate this
relationship.
The greatest likelihood of human systems in the future are that they
will become increasingly self-destructive and destabilizing unless
effective control structures can be developed that permit the sufficient
mediation of human conflict. Beyond decrying an imperative for dramatic
family planning and birth-control policies, internationally
orchestrated, coupled with effective human development programs that are
capable of raising the standard of living for most people and education
people and providing them the necessary opportunities to escape the
world prison of poverty, we must ask what measures can be taken to best
contain the situation. Of course, no one has a complete answer to these
difficult problems but this does not mean that we should ask and try to
answer the necessary questions to get the job done right.
Beyond a rapid transformation to a hydrogen-solar based energy
economy and the colonization of space, the most direct and effect means
of forestalling these processes would be the broad-based
institutionalization of programs geared at curtailing human population
growth in non-destructive ways, educating people effective to live as
global citizens in a responsible and enlightened manner, and the
enforcement of temporary global moratoriums on a variety of human
activities that have had the most destructive effects on the global
environment. This would include a large number of fishing enterprises,
deforestation and lumbering enterprises, particularly in tropical
regions, and postponement of development and building projects,
especially in peripheral zones where the relative degree of ecological
impact would be the greatest.
Of course, the achievement of these kinds of programs would take a
degree of collective will and government responsibility, across the
board, especially by the leading powers, that has not yet been
demonstrated in any serious manner. It is largely up to governmental
agencies to set the tone and determine the climate of leadership in
creating a sustainable human global ecology. Efforts toward achievement
of such collective sustainability of and by the human population should
not be construed as marginal or hostile to the collective order or sense
of well being of established society, but as an intrinsic and necessary
part of this order.
This consideration leads to the formulation of a doctrine of
universal natural rights and responsibilities. We must understand that
such a doctrine is human-based and centers upon human behavior and
relationships with the world. Natural rights are not intrinsic to
nature, they are what human beings, as stewards and parts of this world,
must adopt and grant to the world. They are primarily aimed at the
regulation of human behavior and the determination of the intrinsic
value of non-human natural resources, including the holistic resource of
global and natural ecology.
Basically, a doctrine of universal natural rights and
responsibilities are an extension of the doctrine of human rights and
responsibilities. I emphasize this
doctrine as an extension of universal human rights because I believe it
provides a meta-ethical platform for guiding the conduct of human
affairs in a global context, and it provides therefore the necessary
foundation for the reconceptualization and reconfiguration of the
collective human relationship with its world.
We can not any longer afford to treat the world and the natural
environment as a fetish, as a possession, that is ours to do with as we
please. Our sense of dominance and power over nature should not be
allowed to continue unrestrained by own moral capacities for exercising
judicial constraint and symbolic capacities for transcending our own
natural limitations.
Universal
Natural Rights & Responsibilities
|
6
Universal Natural Rights |
6
Universal Natural Responsibilities |
|
1. The universal right of life
2. Right to non-interference
3. Right to natural selection
4. Right to natural habitat
5. Right to resource protection
6. Right to explore and research in natural systems |
1. Universal non-violence
2. Responsible Intervention
3. Responsible selection
4. Responsible environmental design
5. Responsibility to resource conservation
6. Responsibility to transmission and extension of knowledge of
natural systems |
The doctrine of universal natural rights
represents a meta-ethical and logical extension of the doctrine of
universal human rights. As with everything else, things can be
argued both ways and nothing is incontrovertibly set in stone. There
are of course gray areas in the articulation of development that
will be manipulated by interests capitalizing on development.
Biological Determinism in the Social Sciences: A
Systems-based Perspective
by
Hugh M. Lewis
In the last quarter century in academic forums of
American Anthropology there has been a strong and relatively aggressive
trend towards trying to explain human behavior and social phenomena
primarily in terms of biological determinants. Many physical
anthropologists have crossed the line therefore separating their
discipline from that of socio-cultural anthropology, and they have
passed
into the fields of
socio-cultural anthropology with the deliberate intention of foisting
their worldview and paradigm upon their colleagues in the other
sub-disciplines. They manifest frequently the aim of monopolistic power and control over
departmental resources as a principle motivational incentive for their
social action and ideological proclamations. The remarkable
thing about these theories are not so much what is intrinsic to the
theories themselves, which becomes fairly trivial in short order,
but the motivations that people demonstrate by adopting such thinking
and by the strong sense of obsessive preoccupation demonstrated with
extreme analytical reductionism. The positive correlation of this trend
with regressive political conservativism on the right is obvious to most though it is strongly
denied by those who adopt such frameworks of explanation for human
systems.
My first acquaintance with this trend came in the
early 1980's, a period of the "moral majority" in American
politics, with Freeman's attempt to debunk the work of cultural
anthropologist Margaret Mead by hypothesizing a "rape prone"
genetic profile for the Samoan islanders, and engagement in the hot debate in academic
forums that followed.
This kind of thinking has
a had a long legacy that goes back at least to the 19th Century with
Herbert Spencer's sociologism, and it ties Anthropology and the other social sciences
indirectly to an earlier Christian
worldview that linked biology and character of people on the Great Chain
of Being. In the 80's it took the form of a basic socio-biologism, especially
influenced by the writings of Konrad Lorenz and the statements of E. O.
"Insect" Wilson, who sought to equate the social patterning of
human beings with the social patterning of insects. By the 1990's, this
trend had assumed the name of "bio-culturalism" and became
expressed in models
of gene-culture co-evolution, as put forward for instance by Luigi
Cavalli-Sforza and others. Later, the concept of "memes" (one
should substitute herein the term "genes") as basic units of
"memory" that are passed from generation to generation became
popularly espoused by the year 2000.
What all these kinds of perspectives share in common
are what can be called the biologistic fallacy, or rather the fallacy of
biological determinism in attempting to explain one level of phenomena
that is culturally and socially based, in terms of a completely
different analytical level of natural systems articulation, namely that
of biological genetic evolution. The central criticism of any such
approach therefore comes from a systems point of view, and states that
one cannot invoke the principles found operant upon one level of natural
stratification of reality, to directly or indirectly explain the
emergent phenomena that are found operating upon another level of
systems integration. It is equivalent to attempting an explanation of
population genetics in terms of the physical structure of the atoms that
compose the organisms being described. Mixing levels of analytical
stratification in our explanatory theories of natural systems is
equivalent to mixing apples with oranges and rocks, and treating them as
the same on the basis of their generally round shape. It results in two
unfortunate consequences, the attribution of causal explanation to
factors and mechanisms that have no direct bearing on the phenomena in
question, and an ignorance of the mechanisms that do have a bearing on
the phenomena in question.
The motivation of those who put forward biological
explanations of human cultural and social phenomena, to the neglect of
theories that deal with such phenomena in terms of systems integration
at those levels of articulation, must be called into account and held
suspect. It appears that such biologistic arguments are most promulgated
during periods of relatively extreme political conservatism.
Bio-cultural frameworks in anthropology can really be traced back in
time to the period of Hitler's Germany when concerted efforts were
organized to demonstrate a biological basis for the differences between
different groupings of humanity--to demonstrate and justify a basis of
racial inferiority/superiority.
Though most biologically inclined anthropologists are
loath to be identified with such an intellectual legacy, they
nevertheless happily promote a very stilted and jaundiced form of
intellectual conformism and often have assumed a very active and
aggressive stance in the posturing of their points of view in
anthropology programs and forums.
One of the hallmarks of intellectual conformism seems
to me to be the strong predilection and preference for relatively
simplistic solutions to complex problem sets, and the foisting of
rational arguments in support of an intellectual ideology, whether solid
evidence for such an argument exists or not.
Success in biological genetics, especially as this has
impacted the study of DNA profiles in human populations, has had a
dramatic impact in the same period of time in lending a sense of
superficial credence to such biologistic arguments. By mapping out the
human genome, social expectations were raised that one-to-one genetic trait
correspondence could be found for all kinds of complex human behavioral
patterns, such as homosexuality, alcoholism or other impulse control
disorders, criminal behavior, characteriological disorder, mental
illness, intelligence, even such relatively vague traits as social
achievement, parenting abilities or other socially marginal tendencies.
Needless to say, when such biologistic arguments are
put forward in cultural anthropological forums, there is then a built-in
need to play down the importance or role for instance that environment
will play in human learning, the question of the plasticity of the human
mind or the plasticity of human cultural adaptation, the role of
cultural transmission and social construction in the development of
human cultural patterning, and the wide spectrum of variability of
either human personality or human cultural patterning that occurs in the
world. The concept of world-openness of human nature, not being bound by
any strong instinct, and the importance the role of enculturation plays
in shaping the human child's behavior and character, are largely ignored
or considered insignificant in such thinking. The symbolic foundations
of human consciousness and behavior underlying human social and cultural
patterning, rooted as this is in the enormous complexity of the human
brain, is generally construed as far too complex an issue to be dealt
with in purely biologistic fashion, except through the over-simplistic
invocation of such things as "memes" encoded by genes
We may refer to such theories based upon arguments for
the biological determinism of human culture and social patterning for
what they in truth are, and these are essentially folk theories and
pseudo-scientific ideologies of the importance and value of biological
inheritance and of the ethno-centric naturalization of cultural pattern. The danger of
the promulgation of such theories, and their legitimization as received
science, comes from the teleological and functional implications of such
legitimization for certain policies or agendas, usually put forward by a
political elite in relation to some social underclass or
counter-reference "other."
To reiterate, the exclusive biological explanation of
cultural and social phenomena suffers the fallacy of biological
determinism and naturalization of constructed, reified cultural
realities. This fallacy comes from the failure to apprehend basic
principles of systems stratification and integration, and consequently
depends upon the overemphasis upon a form of analytical reductionism
carried to the extreme. Rules that apply to systems integration and
emergent properties at one level of natural stratification, cannot be
sufficiently explained in terms resorting to the rules and principles
applying upon another level of natural stratification. While all
phenomena may be systematically reduced to constituent forms and
subsystems, all the way down the line, the behavior and properties of
systems at one level of natural integration and stratification cannot be
fully explained in terms of the patterns found below it, especially if
removed at more than one or two levels of reductionist analysis.
This is not to say that biological factors do not
indirectly influence and affect human patterning in general, but these
factors cannot become thereby either the primary or ultimate causal
explanation for why human psychological, cultural or social systems
occur or develop as they do in the course of natural history. The
question of the role of biology in human evolution is a non-trivial
problem, and certainly the fact that human beings must meet certain
basic biological requirements for survival and for achieving
reproductive success are scientifically significant to understanding how
humans organize themselves into groups and seek to perpetuate and extend
themselves in the world. But answers to these kinds of questions by
themselves cannot go far enough in the explanation of human cultural
patterning and social behavior.
To a great extent, cultural and social patterns appear
to occur largely independent of specific biological determinants. Direct
evidence of cross-cultural adoptions and severe cultural deprivation
demonstrate clearly the role played by culture in the determination of
human behavior. This evidence cannot be explained by resorting to
genetic or other biological factors. We can say for instance that human
aggression and violence are so common place and widespread in the world
because their are no if any instinctual inhibitions or constraints to
the expression of human aggression, and this aggression is readily
shaped through symbolic transformation, and learned through cultural
transmission. Therefore control or explanation of widespread human
violence cannot be sought or found upon a biological level of
determination, but rather must be found upon a cultural and social level
of institutional constraint and sublimation.
In conclusion we may say that all living organisms are
biological systems that are made up of atoms and molecules, but these
organisms possess properties of living systems that are not possessed of
other physical entities like rocks or water. Similarly, human cultural
and social systems are indeed made up of biological organisms with
functional biological needs and requirements, composed of cells, in turn
composed of complex organic molecules, in turn composed of atoms, in
turn composed of subatomic energies and particles. But we do not thereby
seek to explain human cultural behavior or social phenomena purely or
exclusively in terms of the molecules that constitute the actor's body,
or only in terms of the atoms the make up these molecules. Certainly,
the element lithium dramatically affects a manic-depressive's behavior,
as do many other kinds of chemical compounds, but this association does
not constitute an explanation for the behavior of a manic depressive
person or that of any other kind of individual in the first place.
Arguments based upon biological determinism are easily
dismissed and disprovable from a Systems based perspective. They
represent analytical attempts to explain socio-cultural phenomena
reductionistically by resort to biological systems, and hence violate a
basic principle of general systems theory that natural systems stratify
upon multiple levels. It therefore
comes as no surprise that Ludwig von Bertallanfy, founder of general
systems theory, was himself a biologist and easily identified the
symbolic basis of human culture and social patterning.
I suggest that such thinking and ideology persists and
continues in the name of social science and anthropology because the
conservative and backward looking political regimes and authoritarian
administrative orders continue to exist that seek and find justification
for their policies and practices in such
narrow lines and modalities of thought. As long as people see something
they think can be gained by intellectual conformism to some ideological
status quo, we will have to contend for scientific research resources
with ideologues who espouse self-serving ideologies.
Symbolic Cognition & Human Knowledge Systems: The
Noetic Revolution of Human Civilization
by
Hugh M. Lewis
The binding problem is a central problem in overcoming
the mind-body dilemma in both philosophical perspectives of human
reality and epistemology as well as in cognitive science and artificial
intelligence models of the human brain and mental operation. Basically,
we must ask how the brain organizes itself, and integrates its various
networks and centers of neural activity, to achieve human consciousness
and mind, especially in consideration of highly developed states of
human reason and intellect. Analytical approaches have sought mechanical
solutions to this central problem, in terms of neural networks and
models of the neuron, but these solutions fall short of a complete
solution to this kind of problem.
In the anthropology of knowledge there occurs a very
similar problem in the question of (1) linking human cognition to
symbolic behavior and (2) extending symbolic behavior to the cultural
construction of human reality and to definitions of human culture. This
problem is not in fact unrelated, and the theoretical-methodological
solution I developed for the latter question in terms of symbolic
framing provides a potential solution for the former problem as well.
We may say at the outset that if the human brain is
looked at from the standpoint of human systems theory, then we can
understand clearly that the mind is the central emergent property of the
integration of the brain, and the components of the brain maintain
themselves in a complex and dynamic kind of equilibrium, involving
normally a diurnal-nocturnal cycle of sleep and wakefulness. We can
further say that because symbolic behavior and integration appears to be
the uniquely defining characteristic of human mind, as opposed to that
of other known animals, then we can understand that the emergent
integration of the mind has to do with the mechanical organization of
the brain to produce symbolic awareness. This symbolic awareness is
behaviorally expressed and linguistically encoded and articulated.
We can attribute by inference states of mind to other
species of animal, especially obvious in highly intelligent animals.
Experiments with primates teach us that primate intelligence is as
sophisticated as human intelligence in many dimensions and shows many of
the same basic components of symbolic self-awareness and self-reflection
that is characteristic of human conscious awareness. Primates in
captivity take readily to human cultural preoccupations and patterns,
and primates in natural settings have demonstrated the emergence of
rudimentary cultural adaptations and expectable variability of
patterning between different groupings.
If we examine what is unique about human knowledge
systems, and universal to these systems, compared to inferable animal
states and systems of knowledge, we can apply primarily the trait of
"world openness" to human knowledge systems versus what can be
called an "Uexkullian closed world" of the animal. We may
state a continuing human plasticity to learn and adapt to the
environment on the basis of cognitive processing of perceptual inputs
and behavioral interactions that continues throughout the life cycle. We
can refer as well to what can be called the cognitively directed
behavior that is relatively independent of instinctual constraints or
basic drives, though obviously influenced by these drives. Human beings
demonstrate a remarkable degree of voluntarism and arbitrary willpower,
as well as a cunning of foresight and planning.
Human knowledge systems can be said to be symbolic
systems of encoded signals that have a material form and that
demonstrate basic design features of human language. We may refer to
these as linguistically encoded cultural texts. These systems provide
largely directive or alternative relative templates that are used for
guiding human behavior, or alternatively for the symbolic justification
and rationalization of events. In preliterate or oral societies,
knowledge systems largely took the form of mythologies and associated
magical lore that were utilized to explain and organize the world,
including human social relationships. Story telling has been an
important part of this process. Encoding often to the form of ritual
performance and even architectural construction and aesthetic design in
folk arts.
With the advent of systems of writing, attributed in
the main to the need for record-keeping connected to the rise of large
scale state-organized systems, and the advent of craft and labor
specialization as well as the rise of a formal priesthood, human
knowledge systems took on a sense of developmental differentiation that
allowed a new level of understanding and comprehension of the world to
be achieved. Associated with this is a sense of abstraction and
awareness of conceptual independence of ideas from realities. Associated
with this also is the classical idea of the "Birth of
Tragedy"--the rise of an Apollonian virtue theory of the rule of
law and order and the regulated organization of human society. Vast
repositories of knowledge thus developed that represented organized
collections of texts and these provided a framework for extended and
systematic systems of knowledge transmission.
The next revolution of human civilization arrived with
the advent of mass printing technologies, which allowed the broad
dissemination of texts and provided a basis for increasing rates of
literacy. Associated with the advent of printing in Europe was the rise
of the Renaissance as well as the early development of a form of market
capitalism and early forms of craft and cottage industrialization. The
key noetic transformation of human knowledge systems was at this period
of time the rise of science and the rise of a non-idealized and
naturalized view of humankind. With this came the active exploration of
the world and of worldview, and the development of a broader range of
alternative systems of knowledge. Associated with this was the
questioning of basic precepts and dogmas by which traditional cultural
knowledge and worldview had been organized, particularly as a product of
a Medieval Scholasticism that was focused on the problem of the
exegetical translation and interpretation of sacred texts.
The most recent revolution of human civilization has
occurred essentially in the last fifty years with the rise of electronic
broad-casting media and especially digital forms of knowledge recording
and storage. I see the advent of the Internet and newer satellite based
wireless technologies to be an extension of the same processes begun
with the radio and television broadcasting of the previous era, as well
as with photographic and film recording technologies.
We are today in the midst of this newest knowledge
revolution and we do not know the consequences of this in terms of the
patterns of integration of our world. We may say clearly that we are
dealing with symbolic and organizational structures in the world that
are essentially obsolete and that are anachronisms of the past standing
in the way of future progress. There is also no way to knowing for
certain the outcomes of this direction of development. What can we
expect from the future of development. I'm inclined to think that the
next knowledge revolution of human civilization will be the achievement
of comprehensive systems of integration that are fully automated and
that might be based upon hybrid or exotic forms of quantum knowledge
storage and manipulation.
Of Symbols and Power
by
Hugh M. Lewis
Universal to human beings time-immemorial and worldwide is
that they traffic in symbols, and this trafficking in symbols is a
source of both objective and subjective power for all people. Successful
truck with symbols results in the increase of power, and a sense of
growing empowerment in the world. Unsuccessful negotiation with symbols
results in the loss of power and a growing sense of powerlessness in the
world. The paradox of human reality, and the anthropological relativity
of this reality, is that though humans must deal in the world in terms
of the world, the manner in which they thus deal are defined
symbolically. When they love another person, they love that person not
as the person in and of oneself, but as a symbol, as an living
embodiment of something in the mind of the lover. Human beings have
no choice but to deal with the world, and other people, in terms
symbolic to their nature. Wherever we watch the parade and pageant of power in
the human world, there we will find human actors who are manipulating
and managing key symbols, and serving as embodied symbols, within a
larger social system.
I bring up the fundamental relationships between
symbols and power in human reality for several interrelated
reasons.
First, human beings are in a sense prisoners of their
own symbol systems, and they cannot escape these prisons, as they are
carried around in their own heads and constrain all way may do or even
wish to do. We may refer to a fundamental symbolic solipsism of human
consciousness that is the foundation of the anthropological relativity
of human reality. This influences not only our attitudes, our worldview,
our knowledge, but our behavior and our social relations as well.
Second, these symbol systems are fundamentally
arbitrary in the sense of not being bound by natural instinct or genetic
endowment or hormonal fluctuations. We have a not unlimited capacity to
manipulate, control and select our own symbol systems, even if the
overarching tendency is for these systems to dominate and control us.
Third, these symbol systems are the primary mechanisms
that mediate our adaptive behavioral relationships with our environment.
They are the principle mechanism of human cultural integration and
social-environmental adaptation on earth, and they are the universal
basis for human cultural ecology.
Fourth, human relationships and human society in
general is organized on the basis of human symbol systems. We would be
loathe to admit it, but even our most intimate relationships, and even
always our most intimate relationships, are in essence a kind of
symbolic acting out and elaboration of our own fantasies, in our own
heads. It is not that all other people are merely or only
"objects" of our own symbolic dreams, because there occurs an
important process of interaction and negotiation of symbolic forms
between people.
One of the key characteristics that partition off the
psychotic from the normal is the lack of social rapport and in a sense
the fixation and inflexibility of internalized symbolic structures. For
neurosis, we find a basic social dependency and rigidity of symbolic
structures that are incapable of being modified, particularly through
self-initiated efforts.
The key difference therefore between what we can call
normal and abnormal appear to me to be in terms of the cultural sharing
of symbolisms and the mutual reinforcement and modification of these
symbolisms, probably upon multiple levels of their articulation.
Abnormal behavior becomes deviant to the norm to the degree that such
behavior is idiosyncratic and not shared in any cultural sense.
The relativity of cultural patterning and social order
arises from the social consequences of the symbolic relativity of human
behavior and consciousness. The tremendous variation of cultural
patterning worldwide demonstrates several things: 1. that cultural
patterning is independent of genetic constraint; 2. that cultural
patterning is highly susceptible, as systems, to processes of symbolic
construction and modification; 3. that cultural patterning arises in the
interdependencies of human social interactions and symbolic mediation of
these relationships through time and across space.
I bring up the topic of symbols and power because I
want to emphasize the tremendous power that symbols and symbolisms have
for human behavior and human "nature." What we do in a
material sense are without meaning if they are not imbued with symbolic
importance. There is a great deal of room for error and manipulation in
symbols, this is the source of their power and adaptive capacities for
human beings. The world attaches tremendous importance to vital symbols,
even the importance of life and death itself, and there is thus much
power to be gained in the manipulation and control of symbolic forms in
social life.
Human Power Motivation: & the Symbolic
Transformation of Human Nature
by
Hugh M. Lewis
If we are seek a sense of
universal motive in human behavior, whether we are referring to the
behavior of people in collectives, or as lone-individuals, or as
investigators or jurors in a adjudication of a crime, we must refer
ultimately to the human drive for power, especially power that is
expressed socially in terms of human relationships and symbolically in
terms of the manipulation of the elements of one's life world.
From the standpoint of the anthropological relativity of knowledge in
the understanding of human behavior, I would make a strong claim that
all human purposive activity that involves even a minimal degree of
intentionality and planning, is primarily and ultimately motivated by
what amounts to a drive for power, whether this is expressed in social
contexts or in personal ways. Therefore, almost all organized human
behavior, and even much behavior that appears otherwise disorganized, is
behavior that can be explained, motivationally speaking, in terms of the
need for power and the sense of satisfaction that is gained from power.
This claim being made, it becomes incumbent to define
"power" in a way that is relevant to our argument. In a
fundamental sense, I would say that power is the ability to control
change in a deterministic manner, especially as change relations to
other people and to social relationships. In social terms, power
translates into a sense of status and a sense of control that is gained
from the ability to determine a course of events, especially as these
events affect other people.
The drive for power can be largely unconscious, and yet remains a
prime mover in the organization of behavior. Because the sense of status
and control that is achieved from power is symbolic, it becomes a
powerful psychological motivator and inducement for behavior, so
powerful in fact that it may override almost any other drive or human
need that may be claimed to occur. Because power is at the basis
of the symbolic transformation of the human psyche, as the source
of will and driver for purposive determination, and because symbolic
experience allows for the flexible encoding and analogical transference
of value and meaning from one form into a variety of alternate forms,
the drive for power is very plastic and very malleable and itself can be
sublimated and transformed in very different and often interesting if
not completely frightening ways.
The drive for power has one central weakness--it is largely a
vicarious and fleeting, impermanent experience. Once having achieved
power through the actual determination of an outcome, the experience,
status and sense of satisfaction gained quickly dissipates, lost in the
stream of on-going experience, and hence, as the sense gained from the
achievement of power sinks back below the surface of conscious
awareness, the need to regain this sense of power arises back up in
however a rationalized and convoluted a manner.
It is apparent too that the drive for power is largely an insatiable
and unending need, and the achievement of power induces an even greater
need for gaining more power. We can speculate therefore that at the core
of the need and drive for power, especially when this appears to occur
in an extreme or inordinately large degree, is a deep seated and
fundamental sense of dissatisfaction and insecurity of one's own sense
of ego identity in the world. This sense of deep dissatisfaction I
believe comes from the experience of the loss of control, and the
achievement of vicarious or displaced symbolic control, in one's early
years of development, mediated as these experiences are by significant
others and the often uncontrollable vicissitudes of one's effective
environment. We might relate this deep need to a sense of separation,
loss and rejection experienced by an immature ego, especially in
relation to significant others, and the inability to effectively
compensate for this sense of loss by replacement with others or
displacement onto healthy forms. We may suggest a fundamental sense of
discrepancy in the personality and character of an individual human
being, bifurcated between a largely unconscious, libidinally driven,
power hungry persona, and a weak and fragile sense of ego that is
incapable of controlling the "controller."
In making these remarks I do not separate qualitatively or
distinguish clearly between what I would consider to be normal cases and
examples of the need for power and what can be considered clinically or
criminally pathological drives for power. The differences seem to be in
the degree to which this drive for power becomes the controlling factor
of one's behavior, and the manner in which this drive is symbolically
transformed and transferred onto a larger set of relationships in the
world. In this sense, writer who lives through the characters and plot
structure of a novel may be working with similar drives as a dictator
who lives through the suffering and repression of an entire nation, or a
sadistic sexual psycho-path who lives vicariously through the torture
and cruel suffering of their victims.
What this drive for power is critically linked to, at least in terms
of human systems theory, is what I have elsewhere referred to as the
symbolic transformation of human nature that is most marked by the idea
of world openness and the lack of instinctive or other forms of natural
constraint upon human behavior. Human behavior is invariably transformed
and becomes symbolically expressed and mediated. Because it is highly
plastic and highly volatile, it is capable of being manipulated
symbolically in a wide variety of ways, often in ways that may be
considered extreme, bizarre and naturally perverse. Human behavior
frequently shows signs of symbolically transformed perversity largely
not encountered in the natural animal world. Our tendency towards
aggressive action and violence, especially in group contexts, is
therefore probably not the show of an instinct for natural aggression
arising for instance from intra-specific agonism, nor can we attribute
it to some genetic predisposition per se. Rather, it is evident, that
human aggression in the forms it takes and in the ways we are familiar
with it especially in modern social contexts, is largely the result of
the lack of natural mechanisms of control over human "nature"
and the consequences of the symbolic transformation of this
"nature" in ways probably not intended by nature.
The plasticity by which this drive for power can be shaped in so many
divergent forms, and the degree to which the symbolic displacement and
transformation of human character can take, even to the point of
overriding what can be considered natural sexual urges and other natural
drives for food, a stable body temperature, etc., is indeed quite
remarkable, and I believe a very strong case can be made for the
influence of hormones and also the release of endorphines and other
psycho-active agents as a by-product of the quest and actual achievement
of a sense of power. These "psycho-somatic" side-effects of
the drive for power may be the essential component that predisposes
humanity to a chronic abuse of psycho-tropic drugs and narcotics and
what is considered by some the universal need for the achievement of
alternative states of consciousness. This need for periodically
experiencing alternative states of consciousness, however induced,
including various forms of hallucination as well as hyper-suggestive
states of trance and other "out-of-body" experiences, seems to
me to be a consequence of the symbolic possibilities of the active human
brain that quickly finds tedious and monotonous the pace of normal
experience.
If we watch animals in their sleep, we an have little doubt that they
are dreaming and that the subjective experience of their dreams is very
like the way in which we experience our dreams. Dreaming serves
therefore a very fundamental purpose for the active mammalian brain. The
functions of dreaming are not well understood, but must have a lot to do
with the reorganization of the brain, the filtering and integration of
new experience, and the symbolic processing of new experience in
relation to old experience that is stored as forms of memory or possibly
posited in the neural encoding of the brain itself. But it becomes
equally evident that dreaming for human beings takes on an entirely
different level and order of meaning than it does for instance in dogs,
and that for human beings, states of waking consciousness can at times
become confused with dream states, the two commingling at the edge of
conscious awareness. Not to revisit old stereotypes, but in severe
schizophrenics we find people who are awake and yet who are as if in a
dream world of their own making. If schizophrenia occurs in dogs in a
manner and degree we find it in human beings, it would be a surprise to
me as I've not seen a dog yet I would call schizophrenic. But then we
can assume that dogs are more instinctively bound to nature, to a closed
Uexkullian world of "dog nature" than human beings seem to be.
It is not my intention here to rhetorically belabor a scientific
argument with only anecdotal evidence and an appeal to common sense. I
would say that the drive to some kind of power is resident in many forms
of animals, particularly in animals we refer to as active predators. The
capacity to control the outcomes of events in the world are a direct
extension of the capacity to control one's own behavior in response to
events in the world, however this is achieved, whether by instinct or by
symbolic construction. Biological survival, and an "instinct"
to live, especially for animals, is predicated on the capacity to
interact with a world in terms of one's behavioral controls. This
"instinct" even supercedes and hence precludes any drives
toward reproductive success, which in its way can be considered an
extension and further expression of the self-same set of instincts for
survival. We may call it a "natural" will to live or will to
survive. This drive exists within us whether we are challenged by our
environments in any critical manner or otherwise. It seems often in
ordinary life, many of these kinds of rudimentary challenges are removed
by design, by cultural preference and by social directive, and often as
not, with little to replace it in any ordinary sense of lived
experience. But whether suitable contexts exist for its expression or
not, the need for its expression may continue doing its own thing
regardless.
There is one last point that I must question in relation to this
thesis about the universality of the human drive for power and the
symbolic transformation of human nature, and this has to do with what
can be called a preoccupation for death and, possibly the fear or at
least sense of symbolic marginalization that comes from the experience
of death, the threat of death, or even just the existence of death. A
perverse fascination with death, with killing and the dead, seems to
psychologists to be a pathological expression of innate curiosity in
life, and of a need to control one's experiences of life. The
preoccupation with death and dying seems to me to be a rudimentary
expression of the drive for life and survival. In living systems, and
especially I think in living systems as sophisticated as human systems,
there can be no greater expression of power than the control of life or
death over another living being, for death is not just final, ultimate,
irreversible, but, I think often overlooked, it represents in a
fundamental sense a "win" in a kind of zero-sum game of living
and an essential form of competition between organisms. In this sense,
the taking the life of another, whether this is done on a field of
battle, in a robbery, or as a consequence of a psycho-pathic perversion,
represent what might be referred as a pre-symbolic affirmation of one's
own life experiences and chances for success in life. This is by no
means a justification of why it is humans so commonly and frequently
take the life of other organisms, not just humans but of many forms of
life, and appear often to be fascinated by this scenario in their life
such that they would want to watch it over and over again played out in
movies or on television or in the news media. It is rather merely an
attempt to understand how it is that we can be thus fascinated by such a
perverse and seemingly destructive interest on such a basic level, and
an at least tentative explanation of why this just might be so.
Perhaps needless to conclude, the drive for power is in all of us and
may become expressed in many different ways. Many ways are in fact
constructive and healthy, and many other ways are obviously not. To
become psychologically and behaviorally caught in a particular
trajectory of development of this drive for power and its behavioral and
social expression in the world, versus some alternative pathway, is
critical to answer and yet probably so complex and multivariate that it
is impossible to answer in any final way. Whatever trajectory we achieve
in the course of our life, and in the course of events in our life, we
get caught into what can be called a "circle of power" in
which one set of events leads to another, to social consequences and
reactions, that in turn drive the need for power to even greater
heights, and power can become both psychologically and sociologically
amplified thereby. I'm exhibiting my need for power in writing
this overwrought essay, and, if you have read thus far, you are probably
exhibit some will for power in reading it to the end. The proverbial
slave exhibits power through the dependency of the master on the slave's
powerlessness. The will to power takes many forms symbolically in human
behavioral response in the world. It is shaped, harnessed and made
available to the world by the society in which we are a part and in
which we enact our parts.
It is something of a mistake to cast the drive for power as an
abnormal or pathological characteristic of human nature, and to portray
it only in terms of sociopaths and other criminals. The drive to power
characterizes all human beings both equally and in uniquely individual
ways. We all manifest this drive, more or less, along a
multi-dimensional continuum of its expression in terms of strength,
direction and transformation of affect, aggression, activity and
rationalization.
I am of the opinion that human achievement motivation (McClelland et.
al.) that in the modern global system is primarily expressed by means of
money, that translates into resource acquisition and appropriation, is
what can be called a structurally and socially normalized extension of
fundamental human power motivation, and the never-ending quest to make
money and to get rich is merely one more culturally and socially
sanctioned form of the manifestation of the drive for power.
I think, as a refrain, that it is easy to overlook the motive of
power in our lives and in our world, especially if we are caught up in
the grip of power and its circles in our lives. We can repress our
confrontation with it, attempt to stifle, manipulate, alter or even
extinguish it, not only in ourselves but in others around us. We can
especially rationalize its ends and means in our life in practically any
manner we choose to see it in, thereby justifying it to ourselves in a
satisfactory way if not completely to others in the world. We can act
out the drive and fantasies that the need for power manifests itself in,
and we can vicariously displaces and project it out onto the world in
all kinds of ways. I would even say, that in some social settings, the
drive for power can become so manifest and so overwhelming in social
life, that it must needs thereby be denied or ideologically justified in
a collective manner that not only "makes sense of it" but
serves to neutralize or remove any possibly negative consequences that
apperceptive realization of its possibilities (and potential horrors)
might bring. As it has been said recently, the fish rots from the head
down. I think it is in this regard, in a sense of projective symbolic
displacement, much easier to recognize the true intent and designs of
power in others than to see and acknowledge how it may play out in our
own lives. Our ability to symbolically manipulate and transform power is
a form of power itself, uniquely human it seems.
Profiling the
Profilers:
Administrative Authoritarianism in State Systems and the Structural Erosion of
Democratic Institutions
by
Hugh M. Lewis
American
administration is not just a job, nor even just a profession any longer.
It has become a whole style of life, a country club, even a somewhat
pseudo aristocracy. The traditional stratification of American society,
between line and staff or blue and white collars, has evolved to a new
form of hierarchical stratification via governmental administration. An administrator doesn't simply quit because of a
lousy work ethic or bad judgment on the part of those who appointed her
or him or the mistakes they make on their own and blame on others. No, they
are promoted out of harm's way, given a salary increase,
"relocated" to a distant field with a second, a third, neigh,
nth number of chances to start fresh. No, the American government has
too much invested in the status and privilege of an administrator to let
them go as if they were so many salaried or part-time employees. After
all, it would look bad for the company as a whole, as they stand for the
whole system, the established order, the authority that articulates down
from on high. They are the living embodiment of the justification for
higher taxes, big budgets and inflation.
In such an administrative context, Government
profiling of the American people has come of age as a principle
mechanism of social control and manipulation. No doubt the digital
information revolution has conspired to make such profiling even more
subtle and sublime in its results than it already had been. It is carried on like a
deep science, though it is not done in an open manner in the way that
normal science is supposed to be conducted. It seems the shallower the
bureaucratic water-hole it is practiced in, the "deeper" the
science of profiling becomes. Who the deep scientists are who have
concocted these profiling systems, and to whom they are held
accountable, seems to me to be largely a well-guarded secret. Of course,
academic psychologists themselves have come to use standard inventories,
that do not go past certain built in cultural, linguistic and cognitive
biases, as the chief instrument of their legitimization as true social
sciences, and it seems, government funding agencies and interests have
been largely the source of their funding and prestige. I doubt a lot of
debate is going on any longer in academic psychology forums concerning
behaviorism, organicism, psycho-analysis or Father Freud, just as
anthropologists appear to have abandoned their own father, Franz Boas,
in favor of new theories of ethnic memes and mom's blue genes.
Of course, reworking the Universities after the debacle of Vietnam
and the campus protest movements of the late sixties and early seventies
has been the first step to the reform of the American system.
Universities are more strapped by government sponsorship and
administrative controls than ever before, and to raise any form of
political protest these days is not only to be construed as
"political incorrect" but as a basis for dismissal and removal
from a campus. Needless to comment, thought on campuses has fallen suit,
and if one is looking for free speech and independent thinking in
various academic programs, one is almost bound and certain to come away
from one's academic experiences disillusioned if not completely
"brain washed." I think the contemporary American campus
reflects many of the realities of contemporary American society. They
have become a breeding ground for a certain kind of uninquiring
intellectual conformism, and for a kind of paradigmatic disciplinary
approach to knowledge organization and articulation across a wide range
of scholarly fields. Graduate students are being trained and rewarded
not for the clarity or independence of their ideas, but for adopting the
dogmas espoused by one or other of the faculty who are jockeying and
competing with one another, often in a vicious and cut-throat way, for
limited resources, students and, of course, the prestige of being
treated like you really know what you are talking about. If a critical
attitude among students is cultivated, more often than not this attitude
is one that is more hypo-critical and aggressively criticizing, rather
than merely being skeptical or critical in some philological sense of
the term.
I would define profiling in its basic sense as a nomothetic system of
social and personality classification based upon an individual's
response and performance to tasks on a kind of inventory or other
interview protocol design, or based upon an individual's traits,
characteristics and other patterns of behavior. Profiling a serial
killer at a murder scene is one thing, profiling a person seeking job is
quite another.
The function of profiling the general population in a closed
socio-economic system is primarily to reinforce the status quo of a
class stratification in such a system, and thereby to structurally
preserve the inequalities and asymmetries of such a system. In order to
help keep people in their places, and to legitimize a policy of doing
so, one must first define what those places are. Profiling serves this
purpose when it comes to its broad-scale deployment across large
sections of the national population. It can thus be described as a
gate-keeping mechanism that serves to limit access to resources
redistributed through the system by means of systematic categorization
and exclusion. It provides a way of blocking "front door" and
"front of the line" social mobility, while still permitting
side-door or back-door selection to take place.
Profiling seems, by its deployment, to be in fact much more than a
new form of science, but a form of high art, albeit somewhat
propagandized into service of government based interests and interest
groups. In large measure, what is
kept in secret and hidden from view from the eyes of the American
public, does not need really to be held in any kind of ethical
account--the ethics of profiling are presumed away with the
"science" of administrative anonymity, bureaucratic diffusion
of responsibility, and a lock-step, "hail the SYSTEM"
sycophancy.
One really does not need any longer to buy into the idea of Global or
Federal Conspiracy Theory to accept or find plausible the idea that the degree of control
and, in a sense, "intrusion" into the everyday affairs of
Americans has increased considerably, especially in the last couple of
decades, and that this has resulted, among other things, in the
possibility of a new form of "unfreedom" that comes from the
ability for other people to manipulate your identity and control your
range of choices without you even knowing about it happening. The
conspiracy part is really not one guy phoning another guy in a distant
city. It is a collusion of shared cultural values, of ideological
commitments, of a form of limited responsibility that comes through
wielding power. The side-benefits are great, the prestige built-in and
there is almost no downside to speak of except perhaps a series of lunch-dates with
social undesirables and rather boring in-service meetings in hotel conference
rooms.
Cybernetically, we can say the government bureaucracy, in spite of
increasing deregulation, is getting better at what control functions it
has done. It is getting better in a sense that it is able to monitor and
respond efficiently to a wider range of issues that occur, even down to
a very local and even personal level of articulation. Depending upon our
perspective, I guess, this can be either a very good and wonderful
thing, or it can be potentially a very dangerous and bad thing. I'm
inclined to suspect that most people employed by the government or
serving in some administrative position, would be inclined to adopt the
former point of view. Everyone else would be wise to be a bit more
skeptical about our Brave New Bureaucracy, and would probably do better
to lean the other way.
The concept of political equality really plays no part any longer in
government based decision making or selections, if they ever really did
play a part. Double standards, disguised by ideological rhetoric about
"Diversity" and "Multi-Cultural Multiplicities,"
have become the norm, by which people can be conveniently categorized,
labeled, channeled, and, in a sense, their fates sealed permanently in a
file that everyone in the world seems to have access to except the
person whose name is on the file. For one thing, Party Politics seems to
have become all the rage, and the notion of a professionally
disinterested bureaucracy, secure in their posts regardless of weather
changes in the Presidency or Congress, is perhaps a quaint anachronism
from a by-gone, "Gone with the Wind" era.
The concept of political equality would entail a measure of, should I
say dare mention it, social and psychological blindness, even racial
blindness and ethnic blindness, which is really another way of saying
that the government officials who are selecting on the basis of
applications, for whatever purposes, would have to do so in a manner
essentially blind as to the background and profile of the individual
doing the applying. This is not to say that those who have a criminal
record should not be subject to screening on some level, or those with
certifiable psychotic episodes, or those who have some other kind of
dubious history of social deviance. But at some point, at what point,
should profiling of average American people, and utilization of secret
records kept on their identity, be allowed, manipulated and abused in
secret, particularly among a petty and somewhat overpaid class of
administrative gate-keepers?
Though the government increasingly uses market based designs and
strategies borrowed from big Business, and even, often, the business
leadership themselves, it remains basically the greatest and wealthiest
re-distributive economy the world has ever known, which means that
however much it may deregulate and privatize public sectors of the
economy, it still fundamentally runs on the same basic framework of
administrative "trickle down" of positive authority,
opportunity, and resources availability. Among a lot of other things,
this means that there is always going to be a huge bottleneck of money
and power--the two biggest things that make up any political-economy, in
the seats of centralized power. There is nothing unusual about this
pattern as it is typical of any state-organized political system that
ever existed.
If we want to look at classical anthropological and archaeological
models of state systems theories, we can refer to the concepts of hyper-coherence
and meddling as explanatory models of why bureaucratic systems
grow into increasingly expensive and inefficient, self-sustaining, and
somewhat parasitic structures that eventually incapacitate the
adaptabilities of a society to meet new challenges or to respond
effectively in local behavioral settings. Hyper-coherence and
meddling both refer to the tendencies for government bureaucracies to
grow in time in control of increasing details of a larger system, to the
point of destructively interfering in the day to day details of the
articulation of the system. The theory is, that in all its complexity
and over-control, a system that is too hyper-coherent and too meddling
in local affairs, is likely to break down in the structure of the long
run, to suffer unpredictable "critical events."
The kind of system that has been created parallels, on some levels
even exceeds, that that the Chinese have concocted, it seems, for
surveillance and control of their own people, for cultural espionage
abroad, and for control and manipulation of Chinese cyberspace and for
digital espionage of the global Internet.
My concern is the rise of what I refer to as modern, post-industrial,
administrative authoritarianism. How to define this new form of social
authoritarianism? It invariably involves some level of coercion of
authority--the principle modality of this coercion is not through threat
of force, but through economic persuasion and exclusion. The bigger the
government, the bigger the money it can throw at a problem, and the
bigger the problems associated with the money thrown at the solution and
the bigger the business needs to be that stands behind the government in
both the problems it deals with and recognizes to be important, and the
kinds of solutions it devises to solve these problems. So, we get a
really Big Deal going.
The problem I have had with all this is the question, who is
profiling the profilers? Who is holding whom to account in the
administration of public or increasingly, private-based public affairs? At what point does the idea of public interest and public based
or public derived control come back into a bureaucratically convoluted formula--or is
the notion of control and accountability just some administrative "Catch 22"
kind of euphemization of a tangle of manipulative power and
misinformation, of closed doors behind a secretary behind a secretary
behind a secretary behind a phone in front of a human being with a
problem or a real need to be addressed.
I would define administrative authoritarianism, especially in the
American context, as a centralized system of regulative social control
based upon the arbitrary manipulation and management of redistributive
resources, including vital and strategic information, and screens of
opportunity within an exclusively capitalist state system. This social
authority is reinforced primarily through a system of socio-economic
exclusion, disenfranchisement and penalization, and through the
manipulation and differential enforcement of legal systems to favor the
interests of those in control over those being controlled, and to
preserve the status quo of such structural and social asymmetries.
Increasingly, the use of covert investigative and paramilitary agencies
as a means of coercive control become depended upon in such systems in
order to maintain a facade of social normality in the system. Such a
system of social discrimination rests upon a framework of nomothetic
typologization and categorization of people along different dimensions
of cleavage and stratification, and is reinforced symbolically and
legitimized by means of academic sanctioning, manipulation, publication
and control of specialized knowledge. Routinization of these mechanisms
of typological classification and control serve to background and embed
the framework as a form of indirect constraint that is culturally
sanctioned. Thus, such control is "normalized" as intrinsic to
the order of the system. Presentation of class attitudes, values, and
conspicuous consumption serve to behaviorally reinforce class-bias and
class-based discrimination in such a system. Symbolic ascriptions and
attribution of personality traits, of psychological attitudes,
conditions and "states," serve to reinforce such a system
socially and behaviorally. Within such a framework, the differential
exercise of human rights becomes situationally relative to the identity,
positionality and control mechanisms that are used to reinforce social
control.
The consequences of the rise and socio-structural embedding of such
administrative authoritarianism is the closed stratification of society
and its polarization between the systematically enfranchized and
disenfranchised. The danger of such a pattern of development is the
consistent undermining of the legal and political foundations of an
open, democratic society, namely the exercise of blanket political
equality and the social and structural reinforcement of social
inequalities under a blanket ideology of social or communal based
equality. Control over the results of open elections is largely achieved
through the pre-selective manipulation of the items and individuals that
are found upon a ballot, and through the persuasion of mass
communications media that cultivates an atmosphere of social conformism,
hierarchy, in-group/out-group identification and and a generalized sense
of social insecurity.
Being able to vote for one's own best interests on any ballot depends
on having one's best interests represented on the ballot and knowing
what one's best interests may be and how they might be served or not
served by a particular ballot item. This is all well and good, but being
able to vote on any ballot makes little difference at the end of the day
if one receives a notice that one has been "downsized" or
otherwise euphemistically disenfranchised from socio-economic and
political economic participation within the system.
Administrative control in the articulation of the American system is
generally limited only by the bureaucratic delegation of negative
authority and power and by legal precedents and liabilities in a common
law system. Conflict resolution is always negotiable in such a
framework. This control is not normally subject to the same kinds of
structural constraints of government defined by the constitutional
separation of powers, and the rise of a single party framework across
all three branches of federal government will tend overall to blur and
confuse the boundaries of such separation. We can in such a scenario
expect that the processes of development of increasing administrative
authoritarianism based upon class stratification to continue and the
actual practice of democratic institutions in society to be further
eroded as a consequence.
The Message Becomes the Medium: Web
Cybernetics and the Universal Digital Language of the Automation Revolution
by
Hugh M. Lewis
What is clearly emerging from the continuing
development of Lewis Works as a systems based framework is a sense in
which and how digital electronic literacy is transforming how we see,
relate to and communicate in the world. This transformation of
information is vital to the organization, storage and articulation of
knowledge in the world and will fundamentally alter our worldview and
how we go about dealing with the world.
Cybernetically integrated web-systems are rapidly
emerging in many areas of knowledge in the world, and this integration
has important implications, I believe, for the manner and form in which
we symbolically represent and mediate reality. The very symbolic
structure of our knowledge is being thus transformed, and this process
has created new possibilities for knowledge and informational
organization hitherto unimagined. In short, we may say that human
knowledge itself is being rapidly and permanently transformed.
Though language barriers still exist, the Internet is
providing a common forum and framework that is truly trans-cultural in
scope and global in scale, and this has a consequence of transcending
traditional linguistic and related knowledge barriers and providing a
common communication platform for all people who are attached to the
web.
We may say and look at this in another way, and this
is that knowledge, by becoming almost completely virtual and virtually
without effective limits in terms of storage capacity, informational
carrying capacity or accessibility, will no longer a completely material
form of embodiment, and that the symbol structure of this knowledge will
become increasingly "scripted" and controlled by programming
languages and hence will become increasingly dynamic in its
developmental articulation.
In considering this proposition, it is important 1) to
invoke a duality of structure model in symbol systems and to recognize
2) that symbol systems themselves are nothing unless human beings enact
and make these systems happen. They are entirely relative therefore to
the people who are engaged in their construction, articulation and
reproduction.
In understanding the first point, it is important to
recognize that symbol systems are usually divided between the sign as an
external marker, and the meaning that is carried by the sign, or
signification. The cybernetics of human symbolic meaning comes in
the reading of these sign systems and their construction and utilization
in everyday life. The principle function of a symbol is to represent
something, to stand for something, that is not physically identical and
that is remote in reference from the sign. It is the interaction between
the sign and the signification, and the productive play between them,
that symbol systems may be referred to as cybernetic--but they are so
only from the standpoint of the human symbolizer who is capable of
reading the signs and understanding the significations.
To understand the first part of this problem, the
duality of structure of symbol systems, it is interesting to look
briefly at the human history of the writing and literacy in human
information systems and the changing symbolic units and functions these
basic units took as a consequence of the progressive development of new
writing systems.
If we examine the earliest icon-graphic and
pictographic forms of writing, we see that the content of the sign was
not necessarily independent of the form of the sign itself, and that
both content and sign were relatively context dependent to the period,
place and people of its articulation. One could not read a set of signs
in a coherent or meaningful manner, if one were not privy to the
particular contexts of its production and origination. Thus, petrified
texts today that are largely pictographic, mainly as petroglyphs, are,
the world over, largely mute as to their true meaning and significance,
and their interpretation is largely conjectural and itself contextually
relative to the point of view of the observer.
At some point, associated with the rise of early
pre-state societies, recording systems that were largely rebus and
memory devices arose that served to count things and to record basic
events and things in the world, largely in a pictographic manner.
Eventually we have the rise of primitive syllabaries,
still pictographic, in which each sign becomes associated with a
particular phonemic consonant-vowel sound pattern, or alternatively,
large pictographic libraries in which each pictograph is associated with
a morpheme, or a sound carrying meaning.
Of course, at some point in the rise of western
civilization we have the invention of true alphabets, in which the sign
carries a particular phonetic sound entirely independent of meaning, and
which can be arranged in an almost infinite number of possible
combinations to which meaning is arbitrary and mostly independent of
sound pattern.
The printing press and printing techniques was the
next major revolution to occur, and the consequence of this was
widespread literacy and the rise of mass communications in which
information for the first time could be transmitted in a completely
horizontal manner across a broad base of population.
It is my opinion at least that with each stage in the
development of human writing systems, signs and their significations
became increasingly detached and independent of one another, and the
symbolic association between sign and signification became increasingly
arbitrary and dualistic in structural patterning. Meaning at this stage
became increasingly manipulatable in a manner for purposes of remote
communication and transmission of information. The remote representation
of meaning by unrelated and independent signs is the basis of the
definition of true human symbolic systems. With the advent of print
technology and alphabetic writing systems in particular, as long as we
knew the structure of a language and code decode a foreign script in
familiar terms, we could translate any language and text into any other
language available to us, certain considerations of contextual parallax
and relativity of cultural semantics notwithstanding.
We are at an interesting state now, as we have
cybernetic systems in which information can be stored digitally in terms
of an infinite number of sequences of ones and zeroes, and these
sequences can be arranged and organized into an infinite number of
alternative combinations or "strings" that can be assigned
meaning in a completely arbitrary manner. In a sense, by such a system
we have a universal language that can transcend the boundaries of
different linguistic codes. At the same time, it will be observed that
in the history of writing, larger and larger quantities of information
could be collected and stored in a single location, and this information
became increasingly independent of the context of its production and
original articulation. Essentially, now, we can store an infinite amount
of information remotely, and we have virtual access to unlimited
quantities of information almost instantaneously. At the same time, we
are able to access contexts for information within the system
itself--information has come to completely incorporate its own context
on the web.
I think perhaps that domain names have come to take on
a particular significance in the modern global information economy, like
"Google" or "Amazon" or "Microsoft"
because symbolically they stand for something more than just successful
e-commerce ventures. It is likely today that more people in the US when
they casually hear "Amazon" are more likely to associate it
with the ".com" than with the gigantic river in South America.
These represent significant new entities in the organization of human
knowledge in the world, for they are almost purely and completely
symbolic in the cybernetic sense of an arbitrary sign standing for
something else that is remote and otherwise physically unrelated.
What seem to be some of the significant features of
the new global information ecology? I would include the following
points:
- The ability to store and retrieve digital
information is virtually unlimited.
- This information carries with it a virtually
unlimited context, making it nearly completely context independent.
- For the first time, information and symbolic
knowledge is mediated by 'scripts' or by programs that translate
instructions and content into binary code.
- As symbolic systems, digital knowledge systems are
becoming increasing automated in the sense of self-organization of
such systems, self-initiation, self-modification and self-managing.
Human control of such systems are becoming increasingly telescoped
out and increasingly remote as a source.
When we talk about artificial intelligence, I think we
are talking really about cybernetic symbolization of human knowledge. As
with all symbolic systems, we bring to the computer program our
intentionality structures, our sense of meaning and contextual
relevance. We construct the code and run it and ultimately turn it off
or on. I am not sure if automation can ever completely eliminate the
ultimate human factor of control, or the basic constraint of the
anthropological relativity of knowledge. In a sense, with the digital
information revolution, we are coming to realize what might be called a
perfect and scale-free cybernetic system of human symbolization. As with
all symbolic systems, the requirement of the human cultural component,
to construct and to bring meaning to such systems, remains, but his
component itself is becoming rapidly transformed. As a consequence, I
see knowledge systems becoming on one hand increasingly more complex,
and on the other, increasingly more powerful and facile in manipulation
and meaning.
Blanket Copyright, Hugh M. Lewis, © 2005. Use of
this text governed by fair use policy--permission to make copies of this text is
granted for purposes of research and non-profit instruction only.
Last Updated: 03/07/05