THE UNSOLVED CASE OF CHARLES ROBIDOUX

The youngest son of Joseph IV was baptized in St. Louis in 1831 and his name was Charles. Though his life was tragically cut short at nineteen years of age, it was already clear that he had begun to follow the footsteps of this Mountain men uncles, and the mark he left on history, no matter how feint and forgotten, has surfaced as a testimonial to the spirit of the Robidoux family.

It is possible that Charles, Robidoux's son, for whatever reason, misrepresented himself to the census-takers, lying about his age and his affiliations or occupation. Whoever this Charles was, there is no other clear evidence from genealogical records thus far found which would locate him as someone other than Joseph IV's son. It is possible that he was a son by another brother. The man met by Garrard carrying the government express may not even have been named Charles, and the Charles who was part of the action with St. Vrain's battalion or who sat for a session or two on the infamous "Traders and Trappers" court may not have been the same one who was later shot in St. Joseph. This story represents only a theory, based on sketchy evidence, of who this Charles may have been, and the brief, but eventful, life that he had led.

It is supposed that Charles, Joseph's son, was educated in St. Louis after the manner of his brothers, and that by adolescence, he was apprenticed into some aspect or other to the far-flung family business. It appears that he may have made his way to Santa Fe by 1846, possibly having joined with his uncle Antoine in the Kearny Expedition. Perhaps there was a mutual expectation that they would eventually meet up with their successful uncle Louis in California by that time. It appears that the "pull" to California among some of the nephews was quite strong at the time. According to Cheetham:

"Charles Roubideaux was also a noted scout and guide to General Kearney and others, and afterwards led the Sitgreaves Expedition. He belonged to the noted family of our traders who founded St. Joseph, Mo. and Riverside, Cal., and who maintained two forts in the mountain country."

No record of this remains, but it is probable that he was the Robidoux who was met by the St. Vrain expedition to Santa Fe from Missouri on October 23rd. that was noted by Garrard:

The River, at the "crossing" was wide but a few inches in depth--a good ford. Seeing some men on the opposite side, I crossed on Paint to learn the news--something seldom found and eagerly sought for on the plains. Captain Murphy (volunteer service), Roubideau, and two others composed the party. They were the government express to the States. Roubideau wished to buy Paint, offering me a fine bay horse, and, finally, ten dollars "to boot"; but I felt, or fancied that I felt, like the Arabian, and I thought of the long weary miles I had been carried--

the exciting buffalo chases, with the accompanying feeling of true liberty, while coursing over the bare plains on his back; so, grasping my rifle, I turned his head without a reply, and, with a shout, urged him away in a gallop, loving him more than ever. (Garrard, 32)

Young Charles would only have been fifteen years of age during this meeting. It is possible that this government express was one that had been sent out of the Kearny camp after their meeting with Kit Carson on the 6th of October, near Socorro during their trek to California, and that was led by Thomas "Broken hand" Fitzpatrick. Parkhill mentions young Charles as "one of Kearny's guides and brother of Antoine Robidoux" (109) though he was not a brother but his nephew. Colonel Doniphan gave an account of this famous meeting and the express:

Thence having progressed, on the 6th, about three miles, this column was met by Lieutenant Kit. Carson with a party of fifteen men (among them, six Delaware Indians) direct, on express, from Monterey, with sealed dispatches for Washington. He represented California as being in quiet possession of the Americans. The General then said--"Lieutenant! you have just passed over the country we intend to traverse, and you are well acquainted with it: we want you to go back with us as our guide, and pilot us through the mountains and deserts." Carson replied--"I have pledged myself to go to Washington, and I cannot think of neglecting to fulfill that promise." The General then said--"I will relieve you of all responsibility, and entrust the mail in the hands of a safe person, who will carry it on speedily." Carson finally consenting, "turned his face to the westward again, just as he was on the eve of entering the settlements after his arduous trip, and when he had st his hopes on seeing his family. It requires a brave man to give up his private feelings thus for the public good; Carson is one such." (Doniphan, 209)

That evening, "Fitzpatrick was dispatched to Santa Fe', and thence to Fort Leavenworth, with the mail from California." (210)

Whatever dispatch they were carrying, it is doubtful that Charles Robidoux took it all the way to Washington, for he was apparently back in Santa Fe within a couple of months, in time to have become a member of the little known New Mexican company of mounted volunteers that was known as St. Vrain's Company, one which saw action in the Mexican uprising of Santa Fe that began on January 18th, 1847.

Colonel Price was put in command of Santa Fe when Colonel Doniphan departed on the Chihuahua Campaign. By December of 1846, rebel leaders began holding secret meetings, from which arose a scheme to massacre the Americans and to establish a new government, in which Don Tomas Ortiz was to be the governor, Don Diego Archuleta the commanding general: "all the men involved in the conspiracy were of great and restless ambition, and expectations of office after the favorable issue of their plans for which they confidently hoped." (Burton, 177).

The revolt was originally planned for December 19th at midnight, and was to occur simultaneously over the entire province. It was apparent that the conspirators, some of whom were leaders in the Catholic church, were being aided and abetted by the clergy over the province. They held a final meeting on December 15th, to seal their plans and elect their officers. The church bell was to be the signal for the assault to begin by forces hidden inside the church. But at the last moment the attack was postponed until Christmas Eve, when the guard of the Americans would be down. It was agreed to massacre all the Americans, and their New Mexican accomplices, or else drive them from the country. At the last moment, one of the wives of the conspirators, fearing the impending blood bath, informed Colonel Price of the planned revolt. A few of the leaders were arrested and the revolt suppressed.

Those leaders not arrested began to incite the people and to plot again their move. The priests aided and helped to arm a growing number of people who enlisted their support in the rebellion. On January 19th, the rebellion broke out early in the morning in several places, with people still quiet in their beds. Charles Bent, governor under the American tribunal, was unalarmed of reports, and miscalculated the temper of the populace at Taos.

At Taos Indians demanded of Bent that they release some of their friends from jail and he refused. The rebel leader Montoya mobilized Mexicans and Indians of Taos and in neighboring villages that night, and they "poured into Taos, inflamed by liquor and angry speeches."

At dawn, they attacked the jail, demanding the release of their friends. They dragged the sheriff, youthful Stephen Luis Lee, out of bed. He broke free momentarily and sought to hide on a rooftop, where the mob discovered and killed him.

The prefect, Cornelio Vigil, ordered the mob to disperse. The aroused rebels cut him to pieces, and surged toward the homes of the Americans and those known to be American sympathizers.

Circuit attorney Leal was marched naked through the streets, riddle with arrows, and scalped while still alive. Narciso Beaubien and Pablo Jaramillo were discovered hiding in a stable and were stabbed and lanced to death.

The howling mob surrounded the Bent home. The governor refused to use his pistols and sought to reason with the rebels, while, in a back room, his womenfolk used a spoon and a poker to dig a hole through the adobe wall. Just as they crawled through the hole, the assailants smashed down the door and riddle the unarmed governor with bullets and arrows.

As the wounded man attempted to crawl through the hole in the wall, the Indians scalped him and began mutilating his body. They nailed his scalp to a board and paraded the streets with it after warning the women to remain in the house as prisoners. For two days they stayed in the dwelling with the mutilated body of Governor Bent.

Antoine Leroux's friend, Charlie Autobees, returning from Santa Fe after delivering a pack train shipment of whiskey, skirted Taos while the mob was looting the stores and homes of the Americans, hurried north and warned his employer, Simeon Turley, the distiller at Arroyo Hondo, then headed north toward Pueblo with news of the massacre.

Close on his heels came some five hundred rebels, who besieged the distillery for two days, finally killing Turley and all but three of his employees. On the Arroyo Hondo they were uncomfortably close tot he home of Antoine Leroux, known to be on the side of the hated gringos.

Bent was massacred by the Mexicans and Indians under Montoya and Tomasito. "...while engaging him in conversation through the closed door, fired, striking him in the chin and stomach. the door was then broken in and the Indians filled the body of the fallen man with arrows, three of which he pulled from his head and face as he lay prostrate. As the Indians were slashing his wrists and hands with their knives and axes, a Mexican named Buenaventura Lobato entered the room and seeing what they were doing, cried: "I did not tell you to kill him, only to take him prisoner!""(Burton, 182) The Indians finally scalped Bent.

Mrs. Boggs, Carson and Bent had begun digging through the adobe wall with an iron spoon, making their way into the adjoining house, with the assailants in pursuit. Mrs. Carson and Mrs. Boggs begged them to spare the lives of Mrs. Bent and her children, and they assented. The women and children escaped to the home of Mrs. Juana Catalina Valdez-Lobato and remained their fifteen days until the troops from Santa Fe retook the town. Pablo Jaramillo, the brother of Bent's wife, and Narciso Beaubien, son of Charles Beaubien, hid under some straw in the back of the house, but were discovered and lanced through and through, with the house being set fire and razed. Louis Lee, the sheriff, Cornelio Vigil, prefect and probate judge of Taos County, and J. W. Leal, a lawyer, were also massacred. Garrard leaves an apt description of the murder of Narciso Beaubien:

Narcisee Beaubien, son of the presiding judge of this district--the same young man in our company last fall--with his Indian slave, hid in an outhouse at the commencement of the massacre, under a straw-covered trough. The insurgents, on the search, but thinking they had escaped, were leaving, but a woman--servant to the family--going to the housetop, called them, with the words--"Kill the young ones, and they will never be men to trouble us." They swarmed back and cruelly putting to death and scalping him and his slave, thus added two more to the unfortunate victims of unbounded passion and long-cherished revenge.

Narcisse had been to Cape Girardeau college, below St. Louis, for five years; and, when he left, was a proficient in the French, Spanish and English languages, as well as versed in the usual college studies. During the route he often dwelt, with delight, on his return home, and of the different duties and pleasures to be performed and enjoyed. When we parted at Bent's Fort--he for the Valley of Taos, I for the village--his last words were warm and pressing invitations to pay him a lengthy visit; but two short months had scarcely passed ere he was numbered among the slain. (177)

From here, the insurgent's went to Turley's Mill, the distiller of Taos Lightning, where, according to Ruxton, there were eight Americans who were fairly well armed. Taking heed, Turley and the others locked the gates to the compound of the mill and distillery, and when the rebels came to demand their surrender, he refused. There were about 500 rebels, who were daily being augmented by Indians and other Mexicans from the surrounding pueblos. The assailants spread out over the surrounding area and began firing into the compound. The defenders fired back with effect and killed a number of the assailants. During the night, a fire was built in the compound which was then reinforced in its defenses. At the same time, the rebels gained possession of the corral in back of the compound, and were attempting to break through the heavy adobe-timber wall, which they failed to do. The assailants at the stable sought to cross the space to the wall, and the first, an Indian chief was immediately killed by the defenders. Seven more Indians attempted to retrieve the body, and were all killed. At the death of the last man, all the assailant poured in a sudden volley into the compound and killed two defenders.

At mid-day the assailants renewed their attack even more fiercely in their frustration. The defenders' ammunition was running low, and the assailants torched the mill which threatened to destroy the whole compound. Twice the defenders attempted to quell the flames, when the assailants would gain entrance to the corral, killing the sheep and hogs there. The flames continued and increased, and the defenders held council to try their escape, each on their own, as best they could when night fell. Just at dusk, two defenders rushed the wicker gate where many assailants were, but were cut-down in the heat of the moment. Albert crawled under the gate, being pierced repeatedly, but lay still as if dead. Later he crept over the logs and ran up the mountain, traveling all night and the next day until he reached the Greenhorn, almost dead from exhaustion and hunger. Turley also succeeded in escaping and going into the mountains, and met a Mexican he had known for a long time. This Mexican would not loan him his horse, but hid him and promised him aid, thence going to the Mill and informing the rebels of his whereabouts, they sent out after him and shot him to death. Two others escaped and reached Santa Fe safely. The mill and house were destroyed and plundered of its gold, which Turley had long hidden away inside of it.

Rebellion was occurring in other parts as well. Several prominent American Santa Fe traders were killed in Mora, including Lawrence Waldo. He was entering the pueblo with a caravan in the midst of the uprising, when he was suddenly set upon and the entire train massacred. News carried to Las Vegas, where there were troops, and these rushed to Mora and recovered the bodies.

Stephen Lee, brother of the man killed at Bent's house, walked all the way to Santa Fe with a bullet wound in his heel to inform them of the uprising, reaching there the next day on the 20th. Colonel Price immediately set out for Taos on the morning of the 23rd. Colonel Sterling price organized three hundred and fifty-three infantry soldiers, mostly "Missouri Mounted Volunteers" from Albuquerque under Major Edmundson, and Captain Burgwin with a company of Dragoons, leaving another company behind to protect Santa Fe, and Ceran St. Vrain raised a company of mounted volunteers, among whom was Jim Beckwourth, Carlos Beaubien, one Papin and Charles Robidoux.

Steps were taken at once by General Price to put an end to the revolution and to punish the insurgents. An emergency company was organized in Santa Fe, with Ceran St. Vrain as captain, with the following officers and men: Lieutenants, Charles Metcalf, Geroge Peacock; sergeants, Hugh N. Smith, Robert Cary, J. W. Folger, Richard B. Dallam; corporals, Edward Chadwich, James H. Quinn, J. R.Tulles, Preston Beck; privates, Charles Autibees, Thomas Autibees, Lorenzo Atkins, P. Anaya, Julio Armenta, Tom Biggs, Vital Vergeeron, Henry J.Cuniff, Manuel Chavez, Batiste Charefoux, Andrew Constance, Antonion Conoyer, Richard Campbell, George H. Crosby, Wm. Deering, Lorenzo DeForrest, Julio Esquibel, Rafael Esquibel, Geo. H. Fuller, H. Grolman, James M. Giddings, Lewis Gold, O.H. Hovey, John J. Harper, Caleb J. Hamilton, F. K. Howlett, Peter Joseph, Charles Le Roux, B. LeRoux, J. W. McClure, John A. Mitchell, W. G. Morgan, Jas. Nangler, Henry Nangler, Nicolas Pino, A. J. Papin, J. Pomeroy, Joseph Pley, J. Powers, J. W. Randall, O. B. Rohman, R. Robbins, W. Rankins, C. Roubidoux, E. Rollins, A. Sandoval, B. Salomain, M. Sanford, Anthony Thomas, Charles Town. Chaves was offered a commission in this battalion by St. Vrain, but declined, and, having taken the oath of allegiance to the United States, marched in the ranks to Taos, an enlisted man. Don Nicolas Pino also enlisted and both took an active part in the battle of Taos. (282)

This small force then marched northward towards Taos. The force totaled 480 men, mostly volunteers of Missouri Militia and old Mountain men, accompanied by four mountain howitzers. The ground was covered with snow and it was extremely cold.

They were met at La Canada on January 24th at about 1:30 p.m. by a force of rebels under Generals Ortiz, Tafoya, Chavez and Montoya who were on the march for Santa Fe. Captain St. Vrain's Santa Fe Volunteers were the only American forces mounted, and they rode in advance to discover the enemy force approaching. The Americans, though vastly outnumbered, were better organized and armed. The main body of Americans were rushed forward ahead of their provisions, in the hope of catching the enemy unprepared. "As I entered the valley, I discovered them beyond the creek on which the town is situated, and in full possession of the heights commanding the road to Canada, and of three strong houses at the bases of the hills. My line of battle was immediately formed--the artillery, consisting of four 12-pound mountain howitzers, being thrown forward on the left flank and beyond the creek, the dismounted men occupying a position where they would be, in some degree, protected by the high bluff bank of the stream from the fire of the enemy." (Prices Report, 188-9)

The canons opened up on the houses, and the infantry infiladed the heights with their rifles. The enemy sent a large body of forces to the rear to cut off the suppy trains, and St. Vrain's company was immediately dispatched to intercept them. "This service was rendered in the most satisfactory manner." Then Price ordered a charge on the house opposite the right flank from which a hot fire was being poured on the Americans. "This was done in the most gallant manner. A charge was then ordered to be made upon all the points occupied by the enemy in any force." One company charged up a hill, while St. Vrain's mounted volunteers went around the backside of it to cut off any retreat. The artillery and supporting companies took the remaining houses with their stockaded compounds, and charged the heights beyond them. "In a few minutes my troops had dislodged the enemy at all points, and they were flying in every direction." Being now near dusk, pursuit was broken off, and the Americans took possession of the town during the night.

The Americans charged, led by the mounted volunteers, and repulsed the advancing rebels, killing thirty-six. The number of enemy wounded were unknown. The Americans lost two men and six wounded. Colonel Doniphan's account of the action is as follows:

The insurgents had assembled in strong force at La Canada, under command of General Ortiz, Lafoya, Chavez and Montoya, with the view of making a descent upon Santa Fe'. Col. Price having ordered Major Edmondson and Capt. Burgwin, with their respective commands from the Rio Abajo, on the morning of the 23d, at the head of three hundred and fifty-three men, which number was afterwards augmented to four hundred and eighty, and four mountain howitzers, marched against the insurgents, leaving Lieutenant-colonel Willock, with a strong garrison, in command of the capital. The weather was extremely inclement, and the earth covered with snow.

"On the evening of the 24th, Col. Price encountered the enemy at Canada, numbering about two thousand men, under the command of Gens. Tofaya, Chavez and Montoya. The enemy were posted on the hills commanding each side of the road. About two o'clock, P. M. a brisk fire from the artillery under the command of Lieuts. Dyer (of the regular army) and Harsentiver, was opened upon them, but from their being so much scattered, it had but little effect.

The artillery were within such short distance as to be exposed to a hot fire, which either wounded or penetrated the clothes of nineteen or twenty men who served the guns. Col. Price, seeing the slight effect which the artillery had upon them, ordered Captain Angney with his battalion to charge the hill, which was gallantly done, being supported by Captain St. Vrain, of the citizens, and Lieut. White of the Carroll companies. The charge lasted until sundown.--Our loss was two killed, and seven wounded. The Mexicans acknowledged a loss of thirty-six killed, and forty-five taken prisoners. The enemy retreated towards Taos, their strong-hold. (Doniphan, 393-4)

They remained in La Canada several days, consolidating their forces. Horses were brought in for the troops. On the 27th, Colonel Price resumed his march on Taos, reinforced by two companies of Dragoons and another 6 pound howitzer. "My whole force now comprised 479 rank and file." On the 29th they marched to La Joya, where they heard reports of a force of 60 or 80 rebels on the slopes leading to Embudo. Price dispatched Captain Burgwin's Company, Captain St. Vrain's and the company commanded by Lieutenant White, comprising "180 rank and file." This force encountered the Mexicans once again at El Embudo "to the number of between six and seven hundred, posted on the sides of the mountains, just where the gorge becomes so contracted as scarcely to admit the passage of three men marching abreast" (190):

They were discovered in the thick brush on each side of the road, at the entrance of a defile, by a party of spies, who immediately fired upon them. Capt. Burgwin, who had that morning joined Colonel Price with his company of dragoons, hearing the firing, came up, together with Captain St. Vrain's and Lieutenant White's companies. A charge was made by the three companies, resulting in the total rout of the Mexicans and Indians. The battle lasted half an hour; but the pursuit was kept up for two hours. (Doniphan, 394-5)

"The action was commenced by Captain St. Vrain, who, dismounting his men, ascended the mountain on the left, doing much execution." The Americans ascended the heights rapidly, and the enemy retreated to Embudo. The Americans were soon reinforced and relieved from the main body, who had heard the fire, and they quickly marched through the pass and occupied the town. "Our loss in this action was one man killed, and one severely wounded, both belonging to Captain St. Vrain's company. The loss of the enemy was about twenty killed and sixty wounded."(192)

The Americans resumed their march the next day, January 30th, to Trampas, where the main body and the provisions caught up by a more southerly route, and the Americans regrouped their forces, before marching on the 1st of February, toward Taos, and arriving there without further opposition on the 3rd of February.

...On the 3d, I marched through Don Fernando de Taos, and finding that the enemy had fortified themselves in the Pueblo de Taos, proceeded to that place. I found it a place of great strength, being surrounded by adobe walls and strong pickets. Within the enclosure and near the northern and southern walls, arose two large buildings of irregular pyramidal form to the height of seven or eight stories. Each of these buildings was capable of sheltering five or six hundred men. Besides these, there were many smaller buildings, and a large church of the town was situated in the northwestern angle, a small pasage being left between it and the outer wall. The exterior wall and all the enclosed buildings were pierced for rifles. The town was admirably calculated for defense, every point of the exterior walls and pickets being flanked by some projecting building, as will be seen by the enclosed drawing. (192)

Price reconnoitred and chose the Church as the point of the attack. At 2:00 P. M. the battery opened up at 250 yards distance, which fire was maintained for two and a half hours at which point Price retired his troops to Don Fernando to await the provision train and to rest his forces. The next day, early on the 4th, the Americans again advanced. He posted one company on the flanks of the church, and sent St. Vrain's company and another around the other side of the town to intercept any rebels trying to flea. The rest of the troops were lined some 300 yards from the north wall, along with several howitzers. The batteries opened fire at 9 A. M., but failing to breach the walls, at 11 A. M., the main forces stormed the Church walls at the same time. Gaining the walls, they fired the roof and attempted to cut through the walls with axes. Captain Burgwin gained the corral and attempted to force the church door, being mortally wounded in the process. Holes were broken in the walls, and the Americans poured fire into these "to good effect." A howitzer was brought up to within 200 yards and poured grapeshot into the town. "About half-past three o'clock the 6-pounder was run up within sixty yards of the church, and after ten rounds, one of the holes which had been cut with the axes was widened into a practicable breach. the gun was now run up within ten yards of the wall-- a shell was thrown in--three rounds of grape were poured into the breach." The Americans gained possession of the Church without further opposition.

The Americans then charged the northern side of the town, and the enemy abandoned the western side. Many sought to hide in houses on the eastern side of the town, others took flight to the hills, where they were hunted down by St. Vrain's company, which killed fifty-one rebels and allowed only a couple to escape. "The number of the enemy at the battle of Pueblo de Taos was between six and seven hundred. Of these, about one hundred and fifty were killed--wounded not known. Our own loss was seven killed and forty-five wounded. Many of the wounded have since died." (95)

Some six hundred Mexicans and Indians held the town, which was "dominated by a thick-walled adobe church." Their first attack that day was repulsed.

A few rounds were fired by the artillery that evening, but it was deemed advisable not to make a general attack then, but wait until morning. The attack was commenced in the morning by two batteries under the command of Lieuts. Dyer and Wilson, of the regular army, and Lieut. Harsentiver of the light artillery, by throwing shells into the town. About meridian, a charge was ordered and gallantly executed by Capt. Burgwin's company, supported by Capt. McMillan's company and Capt. Angney's battalion of infantry, supported by Capt. Burbee's company. The church, which had been used as part of the fortifications, was taken by this charge. The fight was hotly contested until night, when two white flags were hoisted, but were immediately shot down. In the morning the fort was surrounded. The old men, the priests and matrons, bringing their children and their sacred household gods in their hands, besought the clemency and mercy of their conquerors. Pardon was granted. In this battle fell Capt. Burgwin, than whom a braver soldier, or better man, never poured out his blood in his country's cause. (Doniphan, 395)

The defenders of the fortifications fled, only to be run down and slaughtered by St. Vrain's mounted volunteers.

While the battle was in progress Chaves and St. Vrain were fighting side by side, when two Indians came running toward them on horseback, evidently looking for a hand to hand conflict. As they approached, Chaves raised his rifle and fired; St. Vrain expected to shoot the other Indian, but, at the very moment of taking aim, a big Apache Indian jumped from behind some cedars and grabbed St. Vrain's rifle; a fierce stubble followed; St. Vrain called to Chaves to kill the Indian who was coming on horseback, as he would handle the Apache. Chaves had killed the Indian at whom he had fired his first shot and his companion turned and fled. Chaves then ran to the assistance of St. Vrain and struck the Apache a terrific blow on the head with his "Hawkins" rifle. The Indian fell dead across the legs of St. Vrain, who was completely exhausted and in another moment the Indian would have taken his life with an immense knife which he had been trying to use...(Twitchel, 282-3)

The Mexicans lost an estimated 282 men killed, and an unknown number wounded. The Americans lost 15 killed and 47 wounded. Among the killed were one "private Papin" of the St. Vrain's company. Another engagement had been fought at the village of Mora on the 24th of January, with the Mexicans losing 25 killed and 17 prisoners, and the Americans losing one killed and three wounded. Dick Wooton, who was a member of St. Vrain's company at the battle of Taos, left a first hand account of the action of this company that day:

Colonel Ceran St. Vrain, Governor Bent's partner, accompanied Captain Burgwin with about sixty volunteers, picked up in Santa Fe. They reached Taos late on the third of February. (Wooton, with four companions, joined these volunteers at Taos.) The fight commenced early the next morning, and the battle which followed was a bloody one, considering the number of men engaged in it...It lasted until sundown, and I think we were resisted as stoutly as were the American soldiers upon any battle field of the Mexican war...The last stand made by the insurgents was at the old church. When they were driven out of there, they fled in every direction. Of course we pursued them, and not much quarter was asked or given. There was considerable hand-to-hand fighting, Colonel St. Vrain himself, I remember, engaging in a contest which in spite of the peril of the situation, was amusing. The colonel was riding along with myself and two or three others, who were about to join in a pursuit of one party of fugitives, when he observed an Indian whom he had seen a great many times, and knew very well, lying stretched out on the ground, apparently dead. Knowing that this Indian had taken a prominent part in the massacre, Colonel St. Vrain dismounted, and walked a few feet from where we were, to see whether the red skin was really dead or only shamming. That the latter, and not the former, was the proper diagnosis of the Indian's case, the colonel was soon very thoroughly convinced. He had scarcely reached the side of the apparently dead Indian, when the latter sprang up, and grappling with him, undertook to thrust into his body a long, steel-pointed arrow. Both the Indian and the colonel were large, powerful men, and as each managed to keep the other from using a weapon, a wrestling match followed the Indian's attack, which, it seemed to me, lasted several minutes before outside help terminated it in the colonel's favor. I sprang to his assistance as soon as I saw the struggle commence, but the Indian managed to keep the colonel between him and me, and was so active in his movements, that I found it difficult to strike a lick which would be sure to hit the right head. I managed after little, however, to deal him a blow with my tomahawk which had the effect of causing him to relax his hold upon the colonel, and when he stretched out on the ground again, there was no doubt about his being a dead Indian.

Price accepted the surrender of Taos on condition that the ring-leaders also be surrendered.

The principal leaders in this insurrection were Tafoya, Pablo Chaves, Pablo Montoya, Cortez, and Tomas, a Pueblo Indian. Of these, Tafoya was killed at Canada; Chaves was killed at Pueblo; Montoya was hanged at Don Fernando on the 7th instant, and Tomas was shot by a private while in the guard-room at the latter town. Cortez is still at large. This person was at the head of the rebels at the valley of the Mora. (195)

Pablo Montoya was court-martialed on the 6th of February and was hung the next day "in the presence of the army". Fifteen ringleaders were jailed at Taos. "Fourteen others, who were concerned in the murder of Governor Bent, were tried, convicted, and executed in a similar manner, in the neighborhood of Taos." (Doniphan, 398) Thirty insurgents at Santa Fe were court-martialed and put to death. "but many prisoner's were discharged, since it was impossible to charge them with treason against a government under which they were not citizens." (Parkhill, 107-8)

Warfare continued over the next several months with both Mexican and Indian forces at large harassing the outlying pueblos. The American forces in left to garrison these areas were harassed, and largely undermanned and ill-equipped to effectively bring all these rebels under control. Several engagements took place which proved indecisive.

St. Vrain's company of mounted volunteers was disbanded within a month, but we find Charles Robidoux as a member of the jury of the court of April 5th that met to try the rebels. Compared to the "Nuremberg trials, the legal status of both the defendants and many of the jurors was in some critical doubt, leading to a Supreme Court decision a couple of years later. It has become known as the "Trappers and Traders" court, and many members of the jury were friends of the victims of the rebellion.

Three of the defendants had been indicted on a charge of treason; the rest were tried for murder. The first six were hanged April 9. Polo Salazar and one other charged with treason were found guilty; the remaining treason defendant was discharged. One murder defendant was found not guilty. The remaining defendants, found guilty of murder, were hanged on April 30. (Parkhill, 109)

That he served on the Trader's and Trapper's court is evident in the court records of the proceedings. It is evident also that he did not serve consistently in the trial of all the men, but appears in only the trial of one or two men. On April 16th, 1847, the court met in the case of the Territory of New Mexico versus Jose Fabian Baca in an indictment for Horse Stealing.

The defendant appears with his counsel and pleads not guilty. Whereupon a Jury is called, empaneled sworn, to-wit: Jos. Paly, Louis Sheets, Chas. Roubideaux, C. L. Corrier, Jos. Paulding, Benj. Day, Peter Joseph and Blass Trujillo. The evidence being submitted to the Jury they return the following verdict. We the Jury find Jose Fabian Baca Guilty as charged and condem him to receive twenty five lashes on his bare back, Edmund Chadwick Foreman. It is therefore considered by the Court that the said defendant be punished in accordance with the verdict, and that at Six of the afternoon on this day he receive upon his bare back and that said defendant satisfy the costs in this behalf expended. (Cheetham, 37)

That this Charles Robidoux was still in Santa Fe by 1850 is given by the U.S. Census. He is listed as a Canadian, 26 years of age, and a tailor. That this may have been another Charles Robidoux, who might have come from Canada, is a possibility, although no other Charles of that age is found in the genealogy as constructed by Clyde Rabideau. It is possible that a young Charles, barely 19 years old, had lied about his age to authorities. That he was connected with St. Vrain and others suggests that he had become part of the old network that had been established by his uncles in the area.

Cheetham claims that Charles Roubideaux guided the Lorenzo Sitgreaves Expedition to Zuni country in 1851, one which was accompanied by the artist Richard Kern. This was primarily a scientific expedition which recorded a great deal of zoological, botanical and cultural data from a hitherto unexplored region. The published account of this expedition reveals that Antoine Leroux was the principal guide, but also there are listed four unnamed Americans and four unnamed Mexicans who were part of this survey. Antoine Leroux was wounded by indians, which incapacitated him in the course of his duties. It is entirely possible that a young Charles had accompanied Antoine Leroux, known to have been connected intimately with the Robidoux since childhood days in Florissant.

Clearer, more detailed evidence needs to be found regarding this expedition before Charles identity in connection to it can be ascertained.

The next set of references to young Charles Robidoux is given in the tragic anecdote told by Rudolph Kurz about his fatal murder in St. Joseph:

In the summer of 1848 the youngest son of old Robidoux met his death in a tragic manner. When he had finished his course at a college in St. Louis he came direct to St. Joseph. As too frequently happens, his entrance into the world of affairs was a protracted "spree." In his father's town he thought he might give himself up to the convivial life without restraint. Now it happened that just at this time the citizens of St. Joseph were in a state of great excitement over the hooded bands of thieves that took away their horses and cattle. A number were caught and, to avoid legal procedure, the inhabitants let them be lynched. In consequence of these occurrences, anyone who gave rise to the slightest suspicion after dark had to be prepared for any fate. One night young Robidoux, in exuberant spirits, heightened still more by many a "pop," was leaving the grocery in the dark, at midnight, to go home, when he conceived the desire to play a poor joke on a counting-house clerk, left in charge of the store, by frightening him up with noise. MacD., having not idea who was beating on the storehouse door so late, and having only thieves in mind, opened the window and called, again and again, "Who's there?" Young Robidoux, instead of answering him, pressed close against the lintel to avoid being seen, for neither was MacD. his friend nor Mac's employer one of his father's; both of them were competitors of old Robidoux in trade with the Indians. Recognizing neither the young gentleman nor his companion, in the darkness, but regarding their movements as questionable, he shot young Robidoux from above, directly in the head, and killed him as dead as a rat. Then Robidoux's comrad criedout whothey were, but it was too late. I remember perfectly well the scene that followed. Notwithstanding the late hour, everybody on Main Street was waked up; a crowd gathered about the dead body. Old Robidoux was furious. He declared the murder of his son to be the base act of his competitor in trade and wished to lynch MacD.--in fact he himself brought a rope for the purpose. With much difficulty he and his adherents were restrained from committing that deed of violence. MacD., protected by his own friends, gave himself up to the constable. The fellow who was with the unfortunate young Robidoux at the time of his death was required to tell the facts and his statement prevented further bloodshed. MacD.'s employer stood bail for him, so that during the legal proceedings he need not remain in St. Joseph. As was just, he was later acquitted, and then he returned to the town. (Kurz, 68-9)

This statement appears to be either a first hand account "I remember perfectly well the scene that followed" or else it was an account derived from some first hand source, or else, a concatenation of sources. The date given for Charle's death in the "official genealogy" is 1851. O. M. Robidoux does not provide a date for the incident but says that he was "nineteen years old" when he was killed, which would put it at about 1850. Her genealogy gives the birth date of Charles at 1831 and his death-date in 1851--he must have died just shy of his twentieth birthday if this is correct. Her account of the accident is as follows:

At nineteen years of age he was killed on Main Street in St. Joseph, opposite the Edgar house.

On this fatal night, Sunday, Charles Robidoux, in company with others, was out sky larking around and visiting several places in town, amusing themselves. Charles Robidoux, about eleven o'clock at night on Main Street, was standing in front of Summerville store room in company with his friends, Charles Summerville and one of the Edgar boys, son of the proprietor of the Edgar House. Mr. Charles Robidoux was pulling at a post in front of Duncan McDonald, merchant of St. Joseph, next door to Henry Summerville's store. This post belonged to Duncan McDonald and was used for hitching horses.

Charles was playing and pulling at the post and finally pulled it up and put it on his shoulder and was carrying it in the direction of the Edgar House right across the way and immediately, the window of the store of Duncan McDonald was hoisted and a gun fired, which shot Charles Robidoux in the back of the head. Immediately Edgar and Summerville went to him and found him breathing. He spoke on a few words before he died, saying, "I'm shot."

That same night they took his corpse to his brother's residence on Main

Street. He was a clerk in the store of his brother, Julius.

At the time of the occurrence, Julius, his brother, and wife were in St. Louis buying the fall stock of goods. The next morning, when the news spread through the town that a man had been killed, the whole town was in great excitement. The news was sent immediately to his father, Joseph Robidoux, and he was told of the killing of Charles Robidoux in front of Duncan McDonald's store on Main Street. He could hardly believe it and was panic-stricken, and started immediately to the place and residence of his son.

When he arrived at the store of Duncan McDonald there was a large crowd of people around the building waiting for the opening of the store and the arresting of those who should be found there. Mr. Joseph Robidoux was very much excited and was determined to burst open the front door of the store, with a rope in his hand as he wanted to get hold of the murderer and hang him on the spot and he was calling on the people to help him. It was with great difficulty that his friends could keep him from breaking into the store. The parties were all well guarded. Duncan McDonald, and his brother and T. A. Beaubre were the only parties in the store at the time of the shooting.

Mr. Duncan McDonald came out and told the people that he acknowledged the shooting and that his brother and Beaubre had nothing to do with it, and he gave himself up. The inquest was held on the body of Charles Robidoux and Duncan McDonald was held to bail and was guarded by his friends for fear of violence from the people.

Mr. Robidoux employed the best counselors and attorneys in the country to prosecute the case against the murderer. The trial continued from court to court and finally change of venue taken to Savannah, Andrew County, Missouri. Duncan McDonald was finally freed, after the main witnesses in the case had left the country, and was acquitted by the jury.

The rascal went unpunished for the rime he had committed. He always admitted that he never meant to shoot anyone but shot at random and accidentally shot Charles Robidoux, and previous to this sad fate, he was an intimate friend of Joseph Robidoux and all the family, and he was extremely sorry and willing to make all reparations that the family might desire. The expense of the trial and lawyers broke him and he sold out his goods and left the town and took to hard drinking and finally died a miserable drunkard. (123-6)

Again, there are numerous discrepancies in the reconstruction of one Charles Robidoux's biography. Is the C. Robidoux found in Santa Fe the same as the son of Joseph killed in St. Joseph? The most definite way to decide is to find a reference to Charles Robidoux in Santa Fe after 1850, such as a census--but if this is not found, it proves nothing. It is hard to determine who is the most unreliable source, Rudolph Kurz, claiming to have been an eye-witness in 1848, and yet known for his raconteurship, or O. M. Robidoux, possibly deriving a newspaper account or eye-witness testimony, or else relying on non-first hand family memory of the incident, and yet known for her unreliability and prejudice. The closest Canadian Charles Robidoux was born in 1829, which would have made him twenty-one at the time of the Santa Fe census--this is a five year discrepancy between the age given in the 1850 census, and only a one or two year discrepancy with Robidoux's last son. It does not seem unlikely that the Santa Fe Robidoux who took part in the battles of La Canada and the siege of Taos, who may have been met as a government courier, and was affiliated with St. Vrain and the other mountain-men, was probably the nephew of Antoine and Louis. It is known that the Robidoux brothers and sons were inducted into the family trade at about adolescence. His being a young man would account for the possibility of his lying about his age to some census official knocking at his door. The dates do not conflict that much to suggest that it may well have been the same Charles who turned up in the summertime of 1851 in St. Joseph to carouse with his old chums. On the other hand, we are left with another possibility, that this Charles may also have been a half-breed son of one of the brothers.