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Part
IV: Anthropological Systems Theory
Human or anthropological systems are a special kind
of biological system. There exist other forms of life that have apparent
intelligence comparable to human brains--dolphins have brains larger than
people, and in some ways, far more complex. But it appears that dolphins have
not elaborated a kind of culture that has resulted in dolphin civilization. We
find very primitive, rudimentary forms of cultural learning among primate
populations, and we find some sense of primary cultural process among many other
species of animal.
Human intelligence has led to the formation of human
cultures and human civilization as a level of organization of behavior and
"minds" (knowledge) that represents a level of systems stratification
essentially beyond that of any living system we yet know of. Only Chimpanzees
appear to approach or emulate human intelligence on very basic and primitive
levels, though we should be careful to compare and contrast two distinctive
kinds of noetic function and identity between people and chimps.
Humankind at least appears to be unique in the
universe for its capacity for culture and intelligent civilization, for its
level of abstract self-awareness and its capacity for the symbolic articulation
of knowledge about and in the world. If and when we encounter or contact other
possible extraterrestrial intelligent civilizations in the universe, then this
level of systems theory, like biological systems theory, will have to be
substantially revised and expanded to accommodate our empirical and theoretical
understanding of these new systems. We will then have to revise the name to
something perhaps like "native intelligent systems" or "natural
intelligence systems."
Before those circumstances and events arise, it
remains appropriate to name such systems by their single biological
represenative as "anthropological systems theory" and this is in part
because, though a large and complex brain is a central part of this system,
there are other distinctly anthropological traits that are part of an
anthropological complex underlying the capacity for human culture and
civilization, as we know these things. Bipedalism, hand-eye coordination,
opposable thumb and remarkable manual dexterity to pick up and manipulate very
smal or very fine objects, and a pharyn-lingual complex that permits the
articulation of complexly modulated sound patterns, prolonged post-partum infant
dependency and delayed development of the organism beyond the womb, appear to be
critical components of a unique system developed as a consequence of hominid
evolution, giving rise and underlying human cultural traits and properties, and
the rise of human civilizational complexes and processes.
The anthropological system is one that involves the
interrelationships between all of these components, centrally controlled by the
human brain. It is clear, as well, that human social organization and
environmental acquisition relating to enculturation and socialization have
played a critical role in the evolutionary development of Homo sapiens. Delayed
post-partum development, particularly of the brain and speech, entailed that
humans had to meet an extra requirement of learning from the environment, a
pattern of learning that becomes ingrained and organically incorporated into the
organism. It was not just from a natural environment, but from a human mediated
social environment.
It is very possible that any extraterrestrial
intelligence we encounter that has developed some kind of cultural civilization
will have developed what might be called parallel or analogical trait complexes,
though the form and exact nature of the components of these alien systems might
be radically different than the key anthropological trait complex. It is for
this reason that, until alien civilization is contacted and explored,
anthropological systems theory remains an appropriate appellation to confer upon
this level of natural systems organization.
One of the key defining properties of this
anthropological trait complex is the capacity to create alternative working
systems that did not previoiusly exist, including systems of symbolic expression
and communication. The capacity for the symbolic organization of worldview, for
"knowledge" as a kind of system existing separately from the world
about which it refers or implies, is critical to the definition of
anthropological systems. This knowledge is explicit, unlike natural knowledge
that might be ascribed to a cat or a dog or a racoon, which would be tacit
knowledge. Explicit knowledge is in a sense knowledge that is tacitly
self-referential through the process of iconographic symbolic presentation.
There exists an arbitrariness and artificiality of explicit knowledge that does
not obtain for tacit natural knowledge, and it is in fact an artificial system
of constructed knowledge that renders the implicit explicit, indexical within a
larger framework of understanding, and self-referential.
Humanity is collectively constituted by a single
species--gene flow among human subpopulations has been relatively rapid and has
occurred for many successive generations on regional and global scales. This
single species maintains one of the greatest biomasses on earth and is the
greatest consumer of natural resources; thus its growth has put a strain and
stress on almost every biome and biological region on earth, in numerous ways,
whether direct or indirect, and the kind of adaptational equilibrium achieved by
Homo sapiens is complex and complexly mediated by many artificial and
artifactual inventions. We can legitimate speak of global circumscription of the
human species, on an earth in which, for the past ten thousand years, there is
probably no realm or local natural environment that has not been critically
interferred with and disturbed by increasing human activity and involvement.
It is becoming increasingly imperative that we
rapidly come to terms with the systems of our own creation, their biological
consequences and their long-term state-path trajectories in the world. We can
ill afford to maintain ultimately arbitrary systems that prove in the long term
self-destructive or bio-destructive without being able to at least substantially
repair the damage to ecosystems caused by this patterning of human social and
cultural development.
Human systems on one hand, constituted by a single
kind of animal form, are relatively basic. On the other hand, in terms of their
complexity and size, and in terms of the complexity of the human mind and of
human cultural and knowledge systems, the outcome of an extended process of
evolutionary elaboration of a distinctive hominid trait-complex, a system of
interrelated phenotypical trait patterns, human systems haver emerged in time
extremely vast and varied on earth.
The human brain, in situ of its cultural and
civilizational context, capable of realizing the mind, the emergent set of
properties of the integration of the brain in social communication with other
brains. The human mind, itself is capable of self-awareness and of imagination
of alternative realites, is founded upon the integration of an organ but barely
3 pounds in mass, an organ that remains, by far, the most complicated thing we
know of in the entire universe, with its trillions of neural network
connections.
The object of human systems theory is the development
of a comprehensive and unified framework concerning the development of human
system, and the sufficient explanation for their patterning. This is based upon
the proposition that human systems constitute something, if not unique in the
universe, then certainly quite unusual and extremely rare, and the enlarged
capacity of the human brain, combined with a unique anthropomorphic trait
complex, has resulted in the formation of alternative real systems that are the
artificial product of human invention and imagination, and that did not exist
previously in the natural world. Such systems therefore constitute an entire
strata which connects to natural systems, and that also bridges over to the
theory of alternative systems.
Human systems theory can never achieve the degree of
coherence and parsimony found in physical systems theory. Human systems are
multi-factorial and therefore highly underdetermined developmentally in their
hypercomplex states. For human systems especially, it is a problem of
language--of having the terms and definitions suitable for such extreme
complexity--as well as of logic. Outcomes in the historical development of human
systems cannot follow predictable pathways.
The main consequence of this is that achievement of a
comprehensive human systems theory must compromise itself paradigmatically, and
can at best be poly-paradigmatic and thereby metaparadigmatic rather than merely
a single comprehensive and singularly coherent explanation of such systems. It
must thus borrow insight, information and frameworks from multiple sources and
disciplines of study of human patterning, and it must forge what is at best a
kind of explanatory framework that permits and has lattitude for multiple
alternative hypothesis and theories of the same sets of phenomena, cast from
different theoretical points of view and in terms of different words and
languages defining these alternative perspectives.
These alternative human-made sytems may be said in a
loose sense to be intelligent systems, at least in that they are the product of
human intelligence, and thus incorporate intentional design in their patterning.
We refer to the overall patterning of these systems in a social sense to be
"civilizations"--what Alfred Kroeber referred to as the style
patterning that is the product of human genius.
The question remains unanswered whether or not there
are other intelligent civilizations in the universe that are not human in
origin, but that are the product of
the evolutionary development of other alien life-forms. It is certainly the case
that alien intelligence is a possibility--if it could arise on earth, then
certainly it can under the right circumstances arise upon any planet. It is
expected though that this outcome is extremly unlikely from a simple stochastic
standpoint, hence, the development of alternative intelligent civilization
elsewhere in the universe is highly unlikely, or extremely rare and thus such
civilizations much be very few and very, very far between.
It almost goes without saying that any contact with
especially advanced forms of alien civilizations will be revolutionary upon
multiple levels of our knowledge and understanding of reality. It may even be
symbolically destructive of our own anthropomorphic sense of civilization if
such alternative systems are extremely powerful and more highly developed than
our own. It is also more than likely that we would eventually meet alien
intelligence, because in their shared state of curiosity they would be
attempting to make contact with other alternative civilizations like ourselves.
The main obstacles to be overcome in this matter are the vast depths of
space-time probably involved in such long-range communication, and the highly
advanced state of technological development probably required to over come such
distances, if this is indeed even possible given fundamental limitations such as
the speed of light. Civilizations may well go extinct before they have the
chance of having their signals received by distant targets.
But such contact must be necessary if we are to push
a metaparadigmatic perspective of alternative intelligent systems, or
civilizations to a new level that we might refer to them as been truly
"universal" in application. In the patient meantime, we must content
ourselves with the conceit that our
human civilization is quite alone in a vast and mostly empty universe, and that
we may be, if not the only life forms, one of the most advanced ever produced.
As far as we know now, and may ever know, it is only human beings who have the
capacity for realizing their own predicament, uniqueness and solitariness in the
universe, and for transcending ultimately the constraints of nature that exist
for all other known forms of life we are familiar with. The knowledge that we
may or may not be alone in the universe, or that this might even matter, is ours
alone to struggle and experience. Dogs, cats, cattle, birds, fish--these
creatures and all others we know of are ultimately the subjects of their own
making in the world, a part of the world and nothing more. They lack the
sentience that makes our own human systems interesting, transcendent and
special.
Anthropological, or human-type systems, have their
basis in the organization and function of the complex brain and associated
nervous system, along with certain distinctively hominid physical
characteristics, including bipedality, fully opposable thumb and extraordinary
manual dexterity, extended post-partum dependency and development, and a
pharyngeal systems capable of full language production.
We cannot distinguish such systems as separate from
other biological systems unless we do so on the basis of a comparison of the
human brain and its physiological functions with the nervous systems of other
kinds of animals. The fundamental functions of a canine brain are quite similar
to that of the human brain, and in many ways can be said to be homologous
structures within an evolutionary framework. Even more alike are Chimpanzee,
Gorilla and human brains, each kind of which appears to be capable of similar
levels of complex thought, logic and communication. If the human brain is
different from these other biological forms, it is so more by size and degree of
complex integration than it is necessarily by any kinds of qualitative
differences. Only the expansion and enlargement of the areas of the frontal
cortex in the human brain suggest the development of more complex processing
that is associated with emotion, reason, imagination, etc.
It is possible to look upon the brain as the final
biological frontier, if one does not consider the challenges of alien life
forms. But understanding of the physiology and functioning of the brain is only
the beginning of a scientific basis for understanding of human informational
patterning and human systems that are the concern of the psychological and
social sciences. While the brain may be the basis for a human science, the brain
is only a central part of a larger system of informational patterning that
includes human language, human conceptual systems, human information systems,
symbolization, complex self-motivated behavior patterns, and social relational
and communicational systems.
These form a complex of informational patterns and
facets of human reality that are critical to the description of anthropological
systems in general and cannot be dispensed with or analytically reduced in terms
of mere brain or body function. To put this issue another way, it can be said
that while the brain is centrally important in making possible all informational
functioning and patterns in human systems, it is the brain that is understood
only in its anthropological context and development, that achieves its degree of
dynamic function and super-biological informational patterning and processing.
A brain that exists in social isolation is of not
much use, and, even worse, may end up being a dysfunctional or diseased brain. A
brain that is functioning within an organic and environmental context that
achieves a high level of integration is one that is capable of achieving
remarkable feats of creative, productive and intellectual prowess. In this sense
at least, the brain is not that much different from a digital computer,
regardless of the design differences. For both forms of complex information
processing, the same general input-output feedback loop holds. We say "junk
in, then junk out." What is the mechanism of the brain that processes the
junk, and how do we arrive at the defintion in a formal and scientific sense of
what the junk is in the first place.
The description of the brain is prerequisite but not
sufficient to the description or theoretical explanation of human language,
social institutions and processes, human psychology, symbolization, human
behavior or any other facet of human reality. There has been significant
progress in the interdisiciplinary fields of the cognitive sciences that relates
artificial intelligence and robotic automation to psychological, linguistic and
philosophical models of human cognitive functioning and the organization of
knowledge. In terms of the organization of knowledge, we are striving for what
can be called the natural order and organization of information as this occurs
in the brain and becomes processed via the brain and its auxiliary organs. This
can be contraposed to what can be called an arbitrary order of knowledge and
information that is based primarily upon abstract or culturally defined
concepts. There is an exciting convergence of various disciplines to the central
issues of understanding the human brain and its central role and function in the
articulation of human reality. With new imagining techniques in vivo, we are no
longer confined to the placement of electrodes and the diagnostic study of
traumatic aphasias.
Whatever aspect or discipline of the human sciences
with which we are concerned, the study of the brain remains a central core
component of any such study. We can expect that the full and complete
explanation of human brain-mind function will lead to a clearer understanding of
the complexities of human social and psychological realities.
In the analysis of human systems, we may again
distinguish several levels of human informational patterning. These sublevels
include:
1. The individual, including the cognitive, symbolic,
emotional, subjective and mental functioning involving one way or another brain
function.
2. The social group, involving dynamic communication
and interaction between different individuals, organization of belief and
behavior in cultural systems that can be said to be institutionally enduring.
3. The inter-group context, which involves exchange
and interctive relationships between different groups, or between different
individuals of different groups, and leading to complex historical and social
formations of intergroup relations.
At this late stage in our hominid evolutionary
development, it is not always clear which should come first and which follow in
our analysis. We are left with a hen and egg kind of dilemma, and realize that
we are dealing with conjunctive rather thant disjunctive sets of information
framed between these three different levels.
The patterning that is characteristic of
all human behavior is distinct to our species and unique in our universe. The
closest we find in terms of interspecific behavior is the behavior of primates,
particularly Chimpanzees and Gorillas, under captive conditions in which
there has been intensive socialization and experimentation conducted, and the
behavior can be attributed to deep level interspecific acculturation or
cross-over from human to broader non-human primate systems. Naturalistic
observation of feral primate communities with minimal human contact has
demonstrated primitive forms of cultural patterning, and variation of this
pattern among different groups, including and not limited to the use of tools
and techniques in food getting and habitation and in terms of social and
cultural organization and behavior. This appears especially to be the case among
communities of Chimpanzees of both Pan troglodytes and Pan paniscus types.
Intelligent forms of behavior and
accompanying patterns of social organization can be described for many kinds of
animals, particularly among social mammals that have relatively large brains and
that have certain ecotropic adaptations that dispose them to complex and
cooperative social relations. Social intelligence appears to occur even in
animal systems that lack significant brain development or individually
identifiable features of human-like intelligence. Mostly, these alternative
animal based systems can be said to be similar and analogous in some limited
forms to human-based systems, but they are strictly speaking non-homologous to
human systems. In all cases, such systems can be construed as the consequence of
evolutionary adaptation to certain eco-trophic profiles that demand complex
social adaptations and patterns of interaction. Similarly, it must be construed
that human systems arose evolutionarily as a consequence of the social
requirement for adaptation in varying environmental circumstances demanding
cooperative and possibly competitive social arrangements
The typical behavioral patterning of
human systems, particulary in a wide range of possible circumstances and under
widely varying conditions, is incredibly complex, and it its patterning appears
to be both organized in a systematic manner, and structured by limiting factors
and primary determinants that underlie and belie its complexity. Even apparently
disordered or disruptive human behavior can be seen from the standpoint of its
underlying structure and sense of organization. There is an astounding and
sublime simplicity to the structure of human behavior, constrained by key
anthropological variables
Human systems can be characterized by the
following basic features
1. Tendency towards increasing social stratification, particularly as a
consequence of population growth and socio-environmental circumscription.
2. Tendency towards iso-clinal cultural differentiation, expressed in terms of
material artifacts, as a function of stylistic elaboration and varying
adaptation that is measured in basic terms of distance of time and place.
3. Human language that is symbolic in structural patterning and that is a
function of the adaptive articulation of a uniquely anthropomorphic trait
complex.
4. Human cognition and behavioral psychology that is symbolically structured and
that achieves complex problem solving and apperceptive self-recognition as well
as regulation of behavior through advanced cerebral control structures.
Anthropological Systems Theory
Anthropological systems are artificial
systems in the sense that they are the product of human creation and
constructive activity. They are thus ultimately and critically arbitrary
systems, though they are rooted in what can be considered to be
non-arbitrary fundamental constraints of human nature. Anthropological systems
are ultimately and fundamentally human-made systems, though the fact of their
contrivance, their invention and construction, is often disguised and hidden
from view by means of symbolic ideology and symbolic fallacy that attributes
supernatural or natural origins to things anthropological. One would even say
that one's feelings, one's moods, one's sense of self, one's sense of being,
one's sexuality, one's manner of thinking, one's values of what is important, or
not, are all anthropological constructions of our ego-identity and social
reality.
Anthropological systems stem from an understanding of
the emergence of a level of natural information pattern that can be defined
ultimately as cultural. I would include in these systems potential "non
human" kinds of systems that would probably have similar cultural patterns
and features from at least a structural framework.
Anthropological systems emerged from the landscape of
the African plains and forests to somehow be capable of systematically beating
the odds against evolutionary constraints. Exactly how it did so remains still a
mystery, though we understand in better detail now the early record of hominid
emergence than ever before.
What is most remarkable I think about this record is
its degree of continuity of development for the past four million years at
least. With but few noteworthy exceptions, we see largely a single line of
allopatric phylogeny of the hominid descent from probably 5 to 6 million years
before. We find the early radiative adaption and dispersion of Homo erectus
throughout the Old World, from Africa across to the furthest reaches of Asia.
Their tools appeared to have been in the first phase fairly primitive
chopper-tools, simple river cobbles that are split and broken into well defined
edges capable of doing basic work in cutting, and smashing. Limited evidence
suggests the presence of oddly defined Archaic Homo saipiens in many of the same
regions 1 to 2 hundred thousand years ago, and then a second or possibly third
radiative explosion of modern Homo sapiens sapiens from what seems to be the
perennial African homeland, probably commencing 70 to 60 thousand years B.P. and
eventually crossing over to the New World within the last 30,000 years. The last
million years especially bore witness to what can be considered overall as a
unilineal line of hominid development that witnessed the enlargement mainly of
human cerebral capacity to their present day proportions and the rise of the
associated basic culture complexes--the discovery of fire, use of refined stone
working tools, clothing, shelters, and probably some early form of language.
The understanding of human systems stems from an
appreciation of the unique role that the human brain and related complex of
bio-behavioral traits have played in the development of symbolic culture and
human civilization. These are understood universally to be the unique hallmarks
of human patterning, the integration of which cannot be fully explained in terms
of biological systems theory alone. There occurs in interaction, communication
and cultural transmission, both vertically and horizontally, the possibility for
an entirely new level of informational patterning and for behavioral response to
the environment that cannot be accounted for by biological factors alone. The
human brain is of course a complex cellular organ, and the human nervous and
sensory systems are of course extremely complex and sensitive systems that
connect to the brain. It is apparent that human brain pattern, when tied to
constructed environmental contexts, achieves a higher order intelligent
functioning.
Human systems theory stratifies into three levels.
These levels are the individual, the intermediate group, and the larger social
system that ultimately comprises the entire human species. Again, similar
processes of systemic stratification and multi-level integration appear to occur
with human systems as with more basic biological and physical systems, in terms
of psychological, cultural and larger sociological patterns. It furthermore is
important to construe these within an historical framework of the past that
informs the world in detail and explains how it is that our world came to be as
it currently is.
Human systems theory is derived from anthropological
theory of human systems in general. A human system can be any system that is
socially constituted (including a society of one person) that has achieved some
level of structural-functional and cultural integration such that it confers
upon its members a separate and distinctive sense of identity that is shared.
This sharing tends to occur in many different levels of interaction and
communication, and commonly involves the development of unique social dialects
and isolects of a language, as well as common patterns of symbolic-behavioral
response. Material environment will also be shaped and shared along particular
and distinct design motifs. Social customs, institutions and traditions emerge
that serve to further integrate people into such systems and to perpetuate and
replicate the cultural patterns that have been developed in such contexts.
Human social systems tend towards incredible
complexity in an historical sense because the extension of human sociability is
that social groups tend toward interrelation into larger and larger systems, and
that no group or individual remains forever or always in social isolation. Thus
I believe it is a clear proclivity that in general human systems are
interconnected, and these connections constitute the basis for the further
integration of such systems in ever larger structural patterns. There has been
of course many exceptions to this general trend--isolated island, forest and
mountain groups that maintain little or no contact with outsiders. Frequently,
individual people may pass between different or distant groups while the groups
themselves maintain fairly rigid or even hostile boundaries between one another.
People tend to have a very natural proclivity, when this capacity is not
repressed or arrested by
psychological and behavioral rigidity and dependency, to be quite culturally
flexible. The wide variation of pattern of natural, traditional cultural
patterns in the ethnographic world attests to the inherent flexibility and
openness of the individual human and to their fundamental plasticity that is
tied to environmental adaptation. If this pattern were biologically
preprogrammed, either as memes or as social genes, then it is likely that we
would see a rather monothetic and monotypical formation of culture worldwide,
rather than almost infinite variation.
In general, whenever acculturative contact arises,
there is a trend for a sense of dynamic exchange to take place that leads to
rapid alterations and changes of one or more groups at different levels. Social
contact between very different groups can stimulate radical changes that can be
both destructive and constructive.
Conceptual
and Symbolic Systems
The central definition of culture in the explanation
of human reality brings us directly to the question of symbol and symbolisms,
which can be said to be both the basic vessel and vehicle of cultural
transmission and expression of its pattern. The value of any symbolism is its
internalized, subjective reverberation of meaning in the lives of the culture
bearer. This meaning itself is polygenic and multiply determined. It is
multifaceted and has many dimensions of contrast and relation. The symbolic
function of any device or even material object, is separate from and independent
of the pragmatic function of that device or object, though it can be said that
the symbolic function always comprehends and contextualizes its pragmatic
function in a larger sphere of meaning that interrelates it to other forms of
symbolism.
It can be demonstrated therefore that symbols and
symbolisms do not exist as discrete and isolated entities with a specific set of
functions. They are always a part of a larger system of symbolization and
meaning that comprehends many different kinds of functions and forms (whether
these are pragmatic or expressive or social or material
or textual or abstract or iconographic) Symbols thus have an inherent
effect of relating us to the world of which they are a apart and from which they
derive their significance and value. They tie object, and the experience of that
object, to a larger framework of order and value in our symbolic universe.
At the same time, they have the effect of
concretizing or precipitating that larger sense of order in the embodiment and
experience of the object. This effect is never complete or total, nor is it a
permanent effect. It is one that must be reiterated time and again in ritual
form for its renewal and revitalization to occur. The national flag is a common
political symbol of the modern world that is a clear cut example of this aspect
of symbolization. Most symbols can be said to be partial symbols
in that their symbolic function is more diffuse and less focused than a
special purpose symbol like a flag. It is hard to see a hammer as a symbol,
though in the hands of a carpenter who is quite capable it can take on a
symbolic function that is shared with its pragmatic value for driving nails. If
we append a hammer to a flag, as a symbol of the proletariat, of industry, of
Homo faber, then its symbolic function that can be said to be intrinsic to the
hammer and its history takes on a more focal and specific role.
We can see that any symbolic or any symbolic function
of a device is fundamentally communicative--this is the transmissive aspect of
the cultural content and integrative function of symbolism. Symbols and
symbolization therefore serve to unite cultural reality into a coherent system
of meaning and function. It is the mechanism for achieving cultural integration.
The communicative function of symbolism is important to understanding its role
in maintaining social order and in the organization of social relations and
resources. As is usual with most communication systems, their efficacy and
purpose become most evident in cases of error or contradiction, when symbols as
communicative devices break down or come into conflict with one another upon
basic levels of their articulation. If an old regime is overturned, so too must
the old statues and other icons of that regime either be overturned, or else
appropriated symbolically to the services of the new regime. It would be seen as
inappropriate by citizens of a country to hoist a foreign flag, particularly
that of a country considered hostile or a threat, in place of its own flag. This
is what happens when one nation is defeated by another nation.
Similarly, in our country, flag burning always raises
more than an eye-brow, it is considered sacrireligious and unpatriotic by many
people, though others would content it is only an exercise in one's freedom of
expression. It does point up that communication is society serves an important
function and is in itself of some social value as a resource. Burning the flag
becomes more therefore than just a demonstration of freedom of expression. It
becomes a communicative and symbolic enactment of contradiction and in an
implicit sense, of denial, of the
dominant social order. It becomes an insult and a way of doing indirect violence
to the country and the reality that the flag represents.
Cultural-Cognitive
Integration
The basis of cultural integration can be said to be
symbolic-cognitive integration of the informational patterns, or knowledge, that
is represented and subjectively embodies that cultural reality. It follows that
the breakdown of cultural order can lead to symbolic-cognitive dissonance and
disintegration, and, vice versa, the breakdown of cognitive-symbolic order can
lead to and signal the loss of cultural integrity. This process is invariably
accompanied by the increased noise and sense of contradiction that is embodied
in such systems in the first place. Because part of the function of symbol
systems is the mediation between contradictory or otherwise incompatible or
contraposed realities, the fact or state of contradiction is normally disguised
when symbol systems are effectively integrated and functionally adaptive. We say
that such symbolisms can be ideologically resolved and this is usually
sufficient in itself. When symbol systems can no longer resolve internal
contradictions they are intended to mediate, they can be said to be relatively
dysfunctional. Sense of contradiction then becomes exposed and self-evident and
the symbol systems designed to ideologically cover them no longer sufficient.
It is the case that critical systems of knowledge,
including forms of science, seek deliberately to expose the contradictions
contained within symbol systems in order to better understand the realities that
are then exposed, and to at least temporarily or relatively expose the false
realities that are the product of symbolic construction of reality. It is normal
and expected therefore that these kinds of systems of knowledge seek to stand
apart and alienate themselves from the everyday affairs of human society. It is
also the case though that normal society does not function well if it is
disinvested of its mythologies upon which its sense of symbolic order and
cultural integration depend. The social sciences provide a poor substitute for
the symbolic consonance such systems provide, and no one can be perennially
comfortable living only with a sense of contradiction.
The intensive and extensive study of knowledge
systems as these are culturally situated and symbolically articulated, reveals
that their coherence and effectiveness depends upon achieving and maintaining a
degree of integration between culturally received forms of belief and behavior
and cognitive models and maps--those symbolic meanings that are articulated
through language and thought. This integration can be said to be brain
based, and knowledge systems are culturally dependent upon the context in which
they are situated and articulated. The variegation of patterning between
different knowledge systems is clear evidence of the difference in mental
template organization that people psychologically achieve. This template
patterning must be seen as a constraint of the hardwiring and functional
patterning of the brain. Simply put, brains must achieve a certain consensus of
its patterning within a shared cultural
context in order to achieve the degree of socio-cultural integration required.
The medium for this process to occur is largely
through language and behavior, as well as the carpentered symbolic
manifestations of the environment. Evidence from symbolic framing reveals how
much meaning structures are culturally variable and rooted to different
patterning of mental and psychological function. It is the wonderful plasticity
of the brain, a by-product of its enormous complexity, that allows it to achieve
so a broad range of variable patterning.
If we compare, for instance, the knowledge
structuration of a system such as mathematics with that of a natural language,
we will see that both systems will utilize many of the same and common pathways,
and that the underlying kind of semantic structures and logical relations may be
fundamentally similar and differ
only in their details and consequences. Learning multiple languages permits the
brain a plasticity and
multi-modality that intensive orientation within one language system lacks.
Language systems are important in this process of
integration as mediational and communicational devices. They can be said to both
mediate and to symbolically encode and concretize reality through expression.
All knowledge systems are ultimately based
upon and depend upon the language systems from which they are derived.
Learning a new kind of knowledge system requires preparation by learning the
language system that defines that knowledge system and its rules of articulation
and framing.
From a semantic standpoint, we can make a strong
claim for the linguistic relativity of meaning structures, though this by no
means connotes a form of linguistic determinancy. Without development and
learning of the language, the meaning system that is embodied by and in terms of that language, and the larger
cultural reality that lies behind that language, will be unavailable to the
stranger. This is not to say that the structural patterns of overt behaviors
cannot thereby be understood or studied.
Often language serves as much to obfuscate and
rationalize reality as much as it is meant to express and reveal it. It is clear
though, that language provides the vehicle by which the brain can organize
itself, and, in times of relearning, reorganize itself to adapt to newer
patterns of information received in the effective environment. Another way of
looking at this is to say that
language structures and frames meaning systems, without which meaning systems
would be incoherent, even schizophrenic. Language disorders are a chief
symptom of the development of mental pathology. This is a very human kind
of trait that characterizes human intelligence for that of any other known
animal or creature. Meaning systems, for their effective organization and
function in the brain, depend upon their articulation in terms of some kind of
language. Though the basic relationship between meaning and the term is
arbitrary and symbolic, meanings that are arrived at usually by some form of
orginal implicit ollective agreement and social sanctioning and
participation, we cannot have the one without the other, and it is the term that
situates meaning within a social world, making it a phenomenon of social
construction. We can therefore say
that the linguistic integration of culture and cognition is fundamentally social
psychologically mediated.
Different knowledge cultures and cultural knowledges
provide their own symbolic framing mechanisms within culturally defined
behavioral settings, ritual contexts, and in terms of received expressions and
meanings, that serve to reinforce every day in basic ways the symbolic coherence
and sense of legitimate reality that these knowledge systems carry. This can be
referred to as the symbolic embodiment and articulation of knowledge cultures in
the everyday world in which they exist.
Achievement and learning of any knowledge system,
especially to the point of mastery and expertise that is expected upon a
professional level, requires years of investment in study and learning
frameworks that are situated in language context and reinforced through social
relations. Such mastery is not achieved overnight, in a week, or a month or even
in a single year of instruction. Such learning cannot take place in isolation or
even in the kind of alienation that is afforded by electronic communication. It
is very much the case when were are talking about different kinds of knoweldge
cultures that we can compare, for instance, the culture of physics with the
culture of chemistry or microbiology, and that the consequences for each of
these cultural-cognitive patterns in shaping worldview and relations is dramatic
and fundamentally different. As scientific cultures, they all share a certain
core of fundamental values and research priorities, just as they share a common
language in terms of their mother
tongue. But from that point of a similar core of knowledge structure and values,
the similarities diverge in ever greater ways and increasing degrees of
difference. Knowledge is becoming so stratified and hypercoherent, that even
subdisciplinary boundaries within broader fields are emerging as largely
mutually exclusive cultural knowledge territories.
Past,
Present & Future in Human MetaSystems Theory
Problems of the past, present and future provide a
framework for understanding humanity within a natural systems framework. The
question of the Past is a kind of problem that is rooted in our own natural
history, of our origins, the rise of our culture and civilizations, and their
larger social context. It serves to guide us in our understanding of human
systems in general, as a form of mechanical and efficient explanation for the
way things are at present, and what they had been like before. It provides a
larger context within which to interpret and evaluate individuals and different
groups in terms of their behavior and their greater symbolic significance in the
world.
Human systems are distinguished in natural systems
theory by the formation of complex social patterns based upon human language and
cognitive functions that result in behavior patterns the occur independently of
any genetic predetermination. It is not to say that genetic factors may not have
some influence in such patterning upon a basic level, but this influence is both
adulterated by the heavy effect of environmental conditioning, that is a
function of the basic evolved dependency of the human being in its ontogenetic
development upon a human-mediated environment, as well as by the pleiotropic and
polymorphic expression of complex behavioral patterns and organic structures
underlying these patterns. Human systems are characterized by the invention and
transmission of new information, that is culturally encoded and linguistically
expressed, and that is independent of any biological mechanism of information
storage or reproduction, or of selection and adaptation. This characterization
entails that human systems involve ultimately a resort to the study of event
structures and developmental patterns upon a level that can be said to be
constituted by a form of natural and cultural history. In this way all social
interactions are understood within a dynamic continuum of time and place.
Human systems theory can therefore be properly
characterized as a form of historical science, and upon this level that is
characterized by the derivative complexity of the phenomena in question, it is
virtually impossible to formulate an exceptionless and tightly worded set of
equations or propositions about them that would account for all human event
structures in a sufficient manner. It appears that the best that can be
accomplished in this manner in a methodological sense is the accurate recording
of time and date, and of the location of the event, and an objective description
of the form of the event itself in as much detail as possible. In a theoretical
sense, the best that can be hoped
for is a kind of historical paradigm of general rules that describe in a fairly
clear manner, the main pattern of articulation of events. By paradigm, I am not
referring to the Kuhnian paradigm with its theoretic, social and contructive
components. Rather I refer to a kind of legal or lawyer's paradigm that governs
a body of understanding and that roughly guides actions in certain fields or
cases.
Social, psychological, cultural and other aspects of
understanding of human systems are all contained within and referenced by the
larger encompassing framework of human history, which is itself referenced
within a framework of a natural history of the earth. By
history, I am referring to the study of events and their structures
through time, and more broadly, to the structure of the past patterns of events
and their underlying determiniations. Any particular group or society is by
definition found within a larger context of relations between other people,
between people and the environment, and among themselves. Psychological event
structures, no matter how subjectively solipsistic and idiosyncratic they may
be, area also contained within the same overarching framework.
At the same time, we must understand the pivotal role
that has been played by the development of human civilization and culture as a
noetic event structure. At the center of this informational event patterning has
been the organization of the human brain around a unique anthropomorphic trait
complex that includes language, manual dexterity, human sexuality and sociality,
bipedalism as well as the particular features of the human mind itself. To
understand the developmental and progressive aspects of the development of human
system, we must first see how knowledge structures and socially encoded
informational systems have come into being, and that have allowed the
integration and acquisition of new knowledge and information in reality. Human
society has achieved a number of important adaptive "breakthroughs"
that have led human evolutionary development in the direction of greater
symbolic, cultural and social dependency. These breakthroughs have included tool
technology, fire, use of habitations and clothing, domestication of various
plants and animals for a variety of uses, inventions of boats, wheels, power
generation of various forms, etc. The accumulative consequences of these
breakthroughs has been such that they have led to the rise of human
civilizations as regional structures and, more recently, even as globally
integrative social patterns.
Human, or anthropological systems, present something
of an anthropocentric view of such systems, and this reflects the fundamental
anthropological relativity of our scientific knowledge more than any other
aspect of natural systems theory. We would be hard pressed at this point to
rename this basic area of stratification in the natural world in a manner that
would not reflect some kind of anthropocentric bias about how such systems
are organized and function. It will only be with the encounter of similar
but alternative such systems, it seems now only through the discovery of
extra-terrestrial intelligence, that we will be able to escape this problem fo
anthropological relativity. We can predict that the likelihood exists that other
similar systems will eventually be found and will emerge in the universe. These
systems arose on earth as stochastically as the rain that falls under the right
conditions of humidity, temperature and vapor pressure. In other words, given
the right sequences of events leading up to such developments, and given the
right set of conditional event structures, the repeated emergence of similar
alternative systems should become available.
We know that biological systems are probably pretty
rare in the universe, though in an infinite universe, thesesystems may
themselves be infinite in number, though they are few and far between by our own
standards. We can predict that for all the physical mass in the universe, only a
very infinitesimal fraction of this mass at any one time will exist in the form
of a living system. And we can also reasonably estimate that human-type systems
are rare in biological history--after all, in the 3.5 billion year history of
life on earth, they appear to have arisen only within less than a 3.5 million
year framework, and the real evidence of human symbolic culture, primarily
within the last 35 thousand years. The odds are probably pretty long indeed on
the multiple, independent occurrence of intelligent, cultural constructing
species of life within close proximity to one another in time and place. It is
likely that if contact is to be made between different intelligent species in
the universe, if this is what they can even be called, then it is mostly likely
that the most advanced system will initiate and achieve discovery of other
systems first. In our quest for alien intelligence and extra-terrestrial forms
of life, if we do not receive some intelligent signal, then we can assume that
the rarity value of human-type systems only increases with increasing time and
space, and that we may after all be very near the top of the natural pyramid of
systems, if not uniquely upon the top. The systems of life that we would
encounter in such a case are likely to be those that have not yet evolved to
higher forms of intelligent functioning, and which would probably be quite
incapable of initiating contact with us.
On the other hand, if and when a different alien
species initiates contact with us, we can assume almost by default that such a
species will probably be more advanced in terms of its scientific civilization
and possibly evolutionarily more intelligent than ourselves. We are then likely
to find ourselves overmatched and outwitted, though I could not see why such a
contest would have to lead to violence or be destructive unless such a species
had imperial or colonial pretensions in mind. More likely, we are likely to find
such a species more curious and
fascinated with us than we are with them anyway, or at least there should be a reciprocal relationship of
mutual interest and a desire to establish communication not only across species
boundaries, but across the boundaries of totally different kinds of
life-systems.
How exotic might cosmo-genic species be compared to
species original to the earth system? There is some convincing reasons to
suggest that such life-forms may not be too different after all from ourselves.
Many examples of convergent evolution demonstrate functional stream-lining to
standard forms that represent optimal adaptive solutions to particular contexts.
It can be assumed that an intelligent creature would have large brains, and
probably bilateral symmetry, such that the brains would be located in the head,
and there would be sets of appendages, probably, like mammals, four in number,
etc. There is reason to think as well that some form of sophisticated
communication system based on sound would have been evolved, and that the
creatures would be social like ourselves, etc. There is also reason to think
that such a system would be carbon-based and would respire oxygen, etc., because
there are chemical principles in organic chemistry that determine these to also
be optimal kinds of solutions to problems of chemical energy requirements
necessary for the metabolism of living systems.
The degree to which variation of pattern may be
involved, and at what level, in the formation of different kinds of biological
systems may depend as much upon the bio-geophysical substrate of the planet on
which such forms take hold, as upon anything else. Also, it is clear that we do
not clearly know the degree to which biological systems are stochastically and
complexly underdetermined as systems. On a genetic level of organization, living
systems in fact appear to be highly determined. Chaos occurs at each higher
level, at the level of organismic systems and super-organic systems. Still, it
is next to impossible to say in any definitive manner how much of the variation
we encounter in life forms and patterns has been due purely to chance and how
much to a kind of blind evolutionary problem solving that leads to a convergence
of similar kinds of results.
We can in other words expect a broad convergence of
form and function, composition and metabolism, of life that has undergone
independent bio-genesis in other places of the universe. At the same time we can
expect many particular divergences along certain trait lines, and this may even
take some surprising and unexpected twists and turns of the evolutionary rope.
Whatever such creatures may look like, what will
count will be the organization and functioning of their brains and their
intelligence. In this, we must ask how much their cognitive processes will be
like that of human beings, and how different may it all be. It cannot be though
that the organization of brain function of such creatures would be similar or
exactly like that of human beings, nor even the patterning of brain function
follow the same neural pathways, etc. The critical issue, I believe, would be in
what we might call the structure of thought of such creatures. Would their
mental organization resemble ours in some ways and not in others? We would
expect, out of necessity, that such a pattern of organization would be
fundamentally symbolic as our own can be said to be, but this symbolic structure
may not precisely match our own symbolic patterns of consciousness and knowledge
organization.
We will not be able to describe human-type systems in
any other way than by using our own anthropological examples until if and when
we actually do encounter some alien form of intelligence in the universe. The
best we can accomplish in the interim is to study the systems of other
intelligent life forms on earth, like primates, cetaceans, and other mammals in
particular that demonstrate some remarkable qualities of intelligence. This is
at best a partial solution to the problem, because none of these other forms of
life exhibit what can be called true language, culture or symbolic cognition. By
"true" of course we are led back to the same basic conundrum of our
own anthropological relativity, because whatever is considered "true"
is done so only from implicit comparison to human language, culture and
cognition.
We can assume that other human-type systems will
resemble our own in some basic ways, and will probably be quite different from
our own in many other, especially derivative respects. The model of human-type
systems that we develop from an objective description of anthropological
realities can be said to be more-or-less applicable to all human-type systems,
to the extent that we are able to control the bias of the anthropological
relativity of our own point of view. This anthropological relativity is not just
a matter of an anthropocentric world-view and attitudes that overvalue our own
constructions of reality. It is a matter that affects the very way we perceive
and conceive of reality, and how we construct and do our sciences.
Blanket Copyright, Hugh M. Lewis, © 2005. Use of this text governed by fair use policy--permission to make copies of this text is granted for purposes of research and non-profit instruction only.
Last Updated: 08/25/09