AN ETHNOCULTURAL MODEL OF
THE OVERSEAS CHINESE FAMILY AND KINSHIP
Hugh M. Lewis, 1996
Copyright, 1996, Hugh M. Lewis
Copies of this text may be printed for research and
classroom use only.
Because the family is the central building block of overseas Chinese
society, it is worthwhile to look at its typical structure and dynamics in
closer detail. The segmentary lineage structure of the overseas Chinese family
is well documented (Crissman, 1967). We can refer to the clan based surname
organization of Chinese families which lack great lineage depth and land
holdings, as characteristic of the Jetty Chinese, and as remarked upon by
Maurice Freedman (1958), as a typical alternate pattern to the more
predominant patrilineal society of Chinese.
Yang (1945:134) defines the Chinese clan in traditional southern China as a
local grouping of Chinese families sharing a common surname and maintaining
close social relations. Members are connected not only by kinship but by
mutual obligations and privileges--sets of implicit reciprocal obligations
between members and families which are mostly indirect and informal and which
can be very powerful. Authority is vested in the clan as a group, and when a
clan is strong, the families that compose it are developing and prosperous.
The clan provides its people with a central sense of social orientation and
represents an intermediate and often alternate social orientation between the
family and larger socio-political levels.
The kinship pattern on the Jetty appears to be strongly patrilineal with
patrilocal residence (approximately 86%). There are a few exceptions to this
rule, in which husbands marry into the families of the wife's father (12%) or
young families are establishing semi-autonomous residences in other houses.
Generally, the Jetty is characterized by sur-name exogamy, but this pattern
also has a few noteworthy exceptions in which individuals with a common
surname, clan descent or "hyphenated surname" are marrying within
the Jetty (approximately 4-5%).
Analysis of similar segmentary lineage structures in Africa has important
implications in terms of political leadership and quick mobilization of
manpower for emergencies. We can refer to such structures as corporate in
nature in the emphasis of unilineal descent as the basic principle of their
social organization. The corporate identity of lineage descent groups is
defined in the context of other similar groupings, either in relationship or
conflict.
In this interpretation, ancestor worship and veneration of the earth
through well-developed systems such as feng shui (Chinese geomancy)
constitutes the institutionalized basis of pan-ethnic Chinese religious
identity on which a common sense of political community can be based. These
ritual institutions do not allow the individual to have friendly and
cooperative relations with other individuals outside of corporate groups
(Fortes 1951:165). When such lineage structure is well developed within the
overall social system, it is likely that the principle of kinship and kinship
relations are central to defining and "sanctioning a personal field of
social relations for each individual."
The extensive web of kinship, which may cut across lineages, serves as a
counterweight to the inherently divisive nature of unilineal descent
structures. The levels of local organization, kinship, corporate group
structure, government and ritual religious institutions which may be related
to different sets of collective interests, may be interconnected in a
hierarchical manner." (Fortes 1951:166)
Secret societies can be seen as the alternate adoption of this principle in
those social domains where kinship and lineage are not strong or well
expressed, as well as the expression of "complementary filiation"
that is defined by identity to sibling groups and that serve to reinforce the
predominant lineage structure of the society.
The foundation of integration, from this theoretical standpoint, is that
all these levels should be expressed simultaneously in every social
relationship and activity. There occurs as a consequence of such social
integration a complex process of social stratification in which "members
of the society are distributed in different, non-identical schemes of
allegiance and mutual dependence in relation to administrative, juridical and
ritual institutions." (Fortes 1951:166) Individual allegiance within a
number of intersecting organizations serves to reinforce the overall
structure. Personal identity becomes conceived as "an assemblage of
statuses." (Fortes 1951:171)
From this perspective, kinship as a jural concept emerges foremost as the
connecting link between external political and internal domestic aspects of
the society. In this context the structural role and importance of kinship is
expressed in interpersonal relations as interpersonal rights and obligations
and as constitutive of the basis of social relations between people.
Descent as the basis of social organization has the possible consequence of
disambiguating and regulating rights over the reproductive power of women and
also of "precisely and incontrovertibly" fixing one's place in
society on the basis of parentage. (Fortes 1951:167) Parentage provides the
principle model of jural unity of the descent line and of the sibling group.
Kinship relations gain an essential moral quality. "The kinship system
achieves this because kinship bonds link together individuals who are
cooperating with each other to serve many varied interests, and who rarely
co-operate with other unrelated persons." (Worsley 1955:63) Descent
groups thus are "an arrangement of person that serves the attainment of
legitimate social and personal ends. These include the gaining of a
livelihood, the setting up of a family and the preservation of health and
well-being." (Fortes, 1953:170)
The moral nature of this kinship model is extended out to embrace and
subsume other possible hierarchical relationships in society, to define one's
principle sense of obligation in other authority structures. The religion
represents a projection of this kinship model upon the Chinese cosmography,
and the perennial reenactment of religious-mythical themes on the Chinese
stage in front of the temples may represent a continuous playing out of the
conflicts, tensions and dilemma latent within the kinship system.
Mandatory surname exogamy is the principle basis of lineage
differentiation. It appears that in such exogamous systems, the role of the
woman as "wife-mother" in one lineage is fundamentally at odds with
her role as "daughter-sister" in another lineage. Avoidance customs
become the expression of the common rule that these two sets of inherently
conflictual statuses must never be confounded. In this regard, conflicts
become expressed principally between wives who share competing interests in a
husband's resources, and between sister's-in-law who have competing interests
over the father-in-law's resources. Hence, the death of the patriarch often
signals the demise of the lineage, the break up of an extended family
"under one roof," and where great money may be involved, the
beginning of long court battles to decide who are the first, second and
"secondary" inheritors of the estate.
Thus, given this review of the study of patrilineal kinship organization
and its significance to understanding the central importance of Chinese
family, it is worthwhile to examine some of the ways in which this central
ethnocultural model of kinship may become expressed in overseas Chinese
society. Analysis of kin terms of reference elicited ethnosemantically from
the Jetty reveals a normal complex structure of kin terms with no less than
thirty separate categories:
father = "papa," "pa," "apa"
mother = "mama," "ma," "amah", "ma
ee" "ai ee"
father's father = "ah kong," "lai kong,"
"lai"
father's mother = "ah ma," "lai ma," "lai"
mother's father = "ah kong," "gua kong"
mother's mother = "ah mah," "gua mah"
father's father's father = "chor," "lai chor,"
"choo," "chor kong"
father's father's mother = "ah chor,"
mother's younger brother = "ah ku," "ku"
mother's older brother = "tua ku"
mother's younger sister = "ah ee"
mother's older sister = "tua ee"
father's younger brother = "ah chek"
father's older brother = "ah pek"
father's older sister = "a kor," "kor," "koh"
(affectionate terms)
father's younger sister = "si kor"
mother's/father's male niblings = by name, "piau lek" (roughly,
cousins)
mother's/father's female niblings = by name, "piau chi" (roughly,
cousins)
son = "lau seh," "hau san," by name
daughter = "char wah," by name
older sister = "ah chi," "chi chi," "tua
chi," "chi," usually by name
younger sister = "sua moey," by name
older brother = "tua koh," "ah koe," "ah
hia," "hia," "koe," also by name
younger brother = "sua tee," by name
younger brother's wife = "chim"
mother-in-law = "chim," "ah chim," "ah mak"
father-in-law = "chek," "ah chek," "ah pa"
son-in-law = by name, "ah beng"
older brother-in-law = "ah koe," usually by name
younger brother-in-law = by name
daughter-in-law = by name
older sister-in-law = "ah soo," "ah ee," "can use
names but very rare"
younger sister-in-law = by name
wife = by name, "boh a ah," "boh," "char boh
lang"
husband = by name, "lau ah," "ang" "ta por
lang"
older brother's wife = "um," "ah um"
"in-laws" = "tang mui"
grandaunt = "a po," "chek ma" (uncommon, ambiguous
reference)
granduncle = "chek kong" (uncommon, ambiguous reference)
The componential model of terms of reference below may hypothetically exist
for the Jetty Chinese. In this model, diagonal lines represent sexual
stratification, and horizontal bisecting lines represent age stratification.
Dashed lines represent those categories and divisions that are inherently more
ambiguous and "weaker." A double line around male-ego's parents
represents the double strength of these relationships.
Several important points must be made about this kinship
"structure." First, age seniority, sex, and consanguinity/filiality
are the most important principles, in that order, such that terms of reference
are reserved for older people of a similar category, for males and for those
of the line of descent, and the pattern is clearly a patrilineal one that
gives way at the third generation--mother's grandparent's and father's
mother's parent's.

Componential model of Chinese terms of reference
Successively higher people (e.g. "father's father's father's
parents") can theoretically be taken into account in such a system, but
such accounting is rare, and according to one informant, "it is not too
good to live too old, great great grandparent's will eat all the
descendants."
There is ethnographic evidence of an especially close, and possibly
"joking" relationship between mother's sister and male ego (as well
as possible avoidance between male ego's brother and wife), which suggests
that this relationship may embody in many ways the structural tensions latent
in this model. The categories all give way to personal names and
"affectionate nicknames" at those points where these principles do
not operate, for instance, juniors, females, niblings and in-laws. It is also
the case on the Jetty that people "live so close they know each other by
name, and 'familiarity breeds contempt,' if one moves out and comes back then
call by (term of reference)." It is also important to note that there is
considerable variability of this pattern on the Jetty. Probably more
"sinocentrically" and familially inbound and tradition-oriented
people use more terms of reference than those more available to Western ideas
and influences. Thus it is difficult to say exactly how many categories there
really are; the structure being shrinkable or expandable at the margins where
terms of reference become inherently more ambiguous.
1
It might also be the case that affinally defined relationships which are
alternate and complementary to the patrilineal relationships are inherently
ambiguous and conflict-prone. It also signifies the inherent, structurally
subordinate position of the female within the system that in a sense is set up
with the central purpose of maintaining the superiority of the male in
relation to the structurally subordinate counterpart. It is an asymmetry best
expressed in the husband/wife and mother/daughter-in-law and mother/son
triangle. It is only to the mother, and by extension, senior aunties, that
male ego is subordinate to a female in any way, and then only in the most
conditional of ways. It is principally only through the son that the wife, as
a mother, can exert any real influence or power.
The extension of this model onto wider spheres of social relationship would
mean the imposition of a certain sense of order on the broader relationships
of the world, an order that can best be comprehended from within the framework
of the model itself. Implicit obligations of rights and responsibilities would
be entailments of such extensions. On the Jetty, this extension of the model
is had by the use of the blanket reference "Ah" as a prefix to
people's first name. This is a term of respect and deference marking social
distance, at the same time it is a term of privileged endearment, solidarity
and affinity. The second facet is as one old aunty told me, "Chan and
Chan is enough already. Everyone on the Jetty is related."
It is in this sense that we can speak of an alternate sinocentric identity
among the overseas Chinese that is not individualistic or
"ego-centric" in the manner that American identity can be
understood. It is "kin-centric" in which a person's persona and
personality are inextricably tied by a set of crosscutting and complementary
status as "son/brother/cousin/father" or alternately as
"daughter/sister/cousin/mother," with all the psycho-dynamic and
social differentials and confusions that such multiple roles may involve.
Furthermore, we can refer to the extension of this basic kin-centric
identity of the male/female ego as an inherent aspect of the socialization and
identity of the individual in the larger world, such that the individual can
be expected to carry these identities forth into many different kinds of
relationships with people depending upon a complex calculus of rank,
seniority, consanguinity, collaterality and gender.
The main conclusion which I draw from this ethnocultural model of kinship
is that, given the basicness of sexual stratification and the direct
superimposition of age stratification, these two principles cohere with the
central structural "function" of the subordination of the female and
the super ordination of the male ego. This function has probably served a
number of different purposes of socio-political, religious and economic
integration. It has served to locate the individual in a precise way in the
nexus of a kinship model in whichever widening social relationships have an
inherent unpredictability and potential for danger. It has served to put a
premium upon the role of the male.
2
It is with the purpose of further illustrating and exploring these
relationships that several sets of task (thematic apperception tasks, grids,
dichotomous inventories and sentence completion frames) given to the Jetty
Chinese can be elaborated and understood. In all of these tasks the theme of
familial based relationships and identity, and of their symbolic extension
onto a largely social arena, emerged as the most common denominator. It is a
theme that expresses recurrent indications of basic insecurity vis-α-vis
parental love and authority, the vagaries of this authority, and the
competitive-cooperative nature of the relationships between compeers.
Grids
The first set of tasks were "grids" that involved subjects
rating, on a scale of zero to three, different basic categories of familial
members--father (n=10), mother (n=12), son (n=11), and daughter (n=16), but
also between grandparents, godparents, aunts, uncles, husband, wife)--in
relation to one another according to certain basic statements:
3
X should....
take care of
answer to
obey
serve food to
give money to
pray after
question
punish
scold
be served food by
....Y
The percentage of agreement of each set of relationships between mother,
daughter, son and father was calculated and correlation tables were
constructed on the basis of these relationships. The discrimination table
below presents the percentage of agreement in each of the 12 sets of
relationships, in which a score close to one represents very strong agreement
(Father = Fa, Mother = Mo., Son = So, Daughter = Da).
4
|
|
So-Fa |
So-Mo. |
So-Da |
Mo-Fa |
Mo-Da |
Mo-So |
Da-Fa |
Da-Mo |
Da-So |
Fa-Da |
Fa-Mo |
Fa-So |
|
take care of |
0.9 |
1 |
0.6 |
0.7 |
1 |
0.9 |
1 |
0.9 |
0.1 |
0.8 |
0.9 |
0.9 |
|
answer to |
0.7 |
0.8 |
0.5 |
0.3 |
0.8 |
0.9 |
0.9 |
0.9 |
0.3 |
0.1 |
0.4 |
0.2 |
|
obey |
0.8 |
0.8 |
0.4 |
0.3 |
0.8 |
0.1 |
0.9 |
0.9 |
0.1 |
0 |
0.3 |
0 |
|
serve food |
1 |
1 |
0.6 |
0.4 |
0 |
0.1 |
1 |
1 |
0.3 |
0.1 |
0.2 |
0.1 |
|
give money |
1 |
1 |
0.5 |
0.8 |
0.3 |
0.1 |
1 |
1 |
0.1 |
0.3 |
0.6 |
0.1 |
|
pray after |
0.6 |
0.6 |
0.5 |
0.8 |
0.8 |
0.1 |
0.4 |
0.5 |
0.3 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
not question |
0.6 |
0.5 |
0.5 |
0.4 |
0 |
0.2 |
0.6 |
0.8 |
0.3 |
0.1 |
0.1 |
0.2 |
|
punish |
0.2 |
0.2 |
0.5 |
0.3 |
0.7 |
0.1 |
0 |
0 |
0.5 |
0.8 |
0.1 |
0.8 |
|
scold |
0.2 |
0.2 |
0.5 |
0 |
0.6 |
0.1 |
0 |
0 |
0.5 |
0.7 |
0.3 |
0.8 |
|
served by |
0.5 |
0.5 |
0.6 |
0.3 |
0.3 |
0.4 |
0.1 |
0.1 |
0.6 |
0.3 |
0 |
0.3 |
Percentage of agreement across 12 sets of relationships and
10 dimensions.
The correlation matrix of agreements between the 10 relational dimensions
presented above across the 12 scoring categories is shown in the table below.
5
Figure 6-4 presents the correlation matrix between the 12 sets of
relationships across the 10 relational dimensions.6
There is a .6 positive intercorrelation of these two matrices, suggesting that
the dimensions have a functional influence upon the relationships and vice
versa.7
|
|
care |
answer |
obey |
serve |
money |
pray |
question |
punish |
scold |
served |
|
take care |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
answer |
0.5 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
obey |
0.48 |
0.75 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
serve food |
0.2 |
0.51 |
0.75 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
give money |
0.39 |
0.42 |
0.78 |
0.89 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
pray after |
0.06 |
0.4 |
0.7 |
0.46 |
0.53 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
not question |
0.02 |
0.41 |
0.58 |
0.9 |
0.76 |
0.41 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
punish |
-0.3 |
-0.7 |
-0.5 |
-0.6 |
-0.7 |
-0.2 |
-0.59 |
1 |
|
|
|
scold |
-0.2 |
-0.6 |
-0.5 |
-0.6 |
-0.7 |
-0.4 |
-0.64 |
0.92 |
1 |
|
|
served by |
-0.5 |
-0.1 |
-0.3 |
-0.1 |
-0.4 |
0.16 |
-0.12 |
0.37 |
0.32 |
1 |
Correlation matrix between the ten relational dimensions
across the 12 relationships.
|
|
So-Fa |
So-Mo |
So-Da |
Mo-Fa |
Mo-Da |
Mo-So |
Da-Fa |
Da-Mo |
Da-So |
Fa-Da |
Fa-Mo |
Fa-S |
|
So-Fa |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
So-Mo. |
0.99 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
So-Da |
0.08 |
0.09 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Mo-Fa |
0.61 |
0.58 |
0.05 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Mo-Da |
-0.1 |
0.03 |
-0.4 |
0.05 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Mo-So |
0.22 |
0.34 |
0.33 |
0 |
0.46 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Da-Fa |
0.95 |
0.95 |
-0.1 |
0.5 |
0.01 |
0.29 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Da-Mo |
0.91 |
0.89 |
-0.1 |
0.49 |
-0.1 |
0.25 |
0.97 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
Da-So |
-0.8 |
-0.8 |
0.23 |
-0.6 |
-0.1 |
-0.1 |
-0.9 |
-0.9 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
Fa-Da |
-0.5 |
-0.4 |
0.28 |
-0.2 |
0.28 |
0.19 |
-0.4 |
-0.5 |
0.27 |
1 |
|
|
|
Fa-Mo |
0.52 |
0.59 |
0.07 |
0.3 |
0.35 |
0.55 |
0.61 |
0.5 |
-0.7 |
0.4 |
1 |
|
|
Fa-So |
-0.5 |
-0.4 |
0.32 |
-0.3 |
0.33 |
0.3 |
-0.4 |
-0.5 |
0.32 |
0.97 |
0.36 |
1 |
Correlation matrix of the 12 relationships across the 10
dimensions.
It is evident from these patterns that there are fundamental differences of
understanding of relationship between father, son, mother and daughter at
least in terms of these dimensions which deal mostly with issues of authority
and obligation. This structure of relationships can be used to make inferences
about the basic model of the different roles involved in these relationships.
In terms of agreement, the responsibilities of the sons to the others show the
highest amount of agreement (.60) and then the daughters (.50) the mothers
(.42) and then the fathers (.32).
8
The table below represents the cumulative scores of the different
dimensions in terms of the basic scoring categories:
|
CUMULATIVE VALUES |
UNCERT. |
DISAGREE |
AMBIV. |
AGREE |
INDIFF. |
|
take care of |
0.02 |
0.04 |
0.1 |
0.85 |
0.6 |
|
answer to |
0.07 |
0.27 |
0.24 |
0.43 |
-0.25 |
|
obey |
0.02 |
0.35 |
0.27 |
0.38 |
-0.5 |
|
serve food to |
0.01 |
0.29 |
0.25 |
0.46 |
-0.33 |
|
give money to |
0.08 |
0.22 |
0.25 |
0.5 |
-0.17 |
|
should not question |
0 |
0.35 |
0.32 |
0.34 |
-0.6 |
|
punish |
0.04 |
0.26 |
0.29 |
0.4 |
-0.4 |
|
scold |
0.01 |
0.23 |
0.34 |
0.41 |
-0.5 |
|
be served food before |
0.04 |
0.22 |
0.53 |
0.2 |
-1. |
|
pray after |
0.08 |
7 |
0.36 |
0.3 |
-0.63 |
|
NET |
0.31 |
2.48 |
2.95 |
4.28 |
-3.8 |
Cumulative scores of the 10 dimensions.
From the patterning of these percentage distributions and correlations in
the different categories, it is possible to systematically derive a series of
600 rules (10 dimensions X 12 relationships X 5 scoring categories) with
variable confidence limits (alternative criteria of percentage scores). By
this means a paradigm of these relationships between fathers, mothers, sons
and sisters can be constructed. Of this set, certain rules can be selected
which serve as key predictive discriminators. In this manner a computer-based
system can be used to define the basic familial model in terms of the
dimensions of the grid. Below is a simple discrimination table relating to
giving money and punishing.
|
|
DIMEN. |
SO-FA |
DA-FA |
FA-DA |
MO-FA |
SO-DA |
DA-SO |
FA-SO |
MO-SO |
SO-MO |
DA-MO |
FA-MO |
MO-DA |
|
UNCERT. |
punish |
0 |
0 |
0.2 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0.2 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
UNCERT. |
give money |
0 |
0 |
0.1 |
0 |
0 |
0.1 |
0.2 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
DISAGREE |
punish |
0.8 |
1 |
0 |
0.5 |
0.3 |
0.4 |
0 |
0.1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
DISAGREE |
give money |
0 |
0 |
0.1 |
0.6 |
0.1 |
0.8 |
0.4 |
0.6 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
AMBIVAL. |
punish |
0.2 |
0 |
0 |
0.1 |
0.2 |
0.1 |
0 |
0 |
0.9 |
0.9 |
0.7 |
0.3 |
|
AMBIVAL. |
give money |
0 |
0.1 |
0.5 |
0.3 |
0.5 |
0.1 |
0.3 |
0.2 |
0 |
0 |
0.4 |
0.7 |
|
AGREE |
punish |
0 |
0 |
0.8 |
0.4 |
0.5 |
0.5 |
0.8 |
0.9 |
0 |
0 |
0.2 |
0.7 |
|
AGREE |
give money |
1 |
0.9 |
0.3 |
0.1 |
0.5 |
0.1 |
0.1 |
0.3 |
1 |
1 |
0.6 |
0.3 |
|
INDIFF. |
punish |
-1 |
-1 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
0.8 |
-2 |
-2 |
-1 |
0 |
|
INDIFF. |
give money |
1 |
0.8 |
-1 |
-1 |
-1 |
-1 |
-1 |
-1 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
-1 |
Discrimination table across the five categories for two
dimensions.
In the table above certain rules can be derived given an arbitrary cut off
level. If we hypothesize a cut off value of .7, then the following rules can
be obtained:
Sons should give money to fathers (1) and it is indifferent (1).
Sons should give money to mothers (1) and it is indifferent (1).
Daughters should give money to mothers (1) and it is indifferent (1).
Daughters shouldn't punish fathers (1) and it is not indifferent (-1).
It is ambivalent and not indifferent (-2) that sons should punish mothers
(.9).
It is ambivalent and not indifferent (-2) that daughters should punish
mothers (.9).
Mothers should punish sons (.9) and it is indifferent (.8).
Daughters should give money to fathers (.9) and it is indifferent (.8).
Fathers should punish daughters (.8) and it is indifferent (1).
Fathers should punish sons (.8) and it is indifferent (1).
Sons shouldn't punish fathers (.8) and it is not indifferent (-1).
Daughters should give money to sons (.8) and it is not indifferent (-1).
Mothers should punish daughters (.7).
It is ambivalent and not indifferent (-1) that mothers should give money to
daughters (.7).
It is ambivalent and not indifferent (-1) that fathers should punish
mothers (.7).
It is not indifferent that fathers should give money to daughters (-1).
It is not indifferent that mothers should give money to fathers (-1).
It is not indifferent that sons should give money to daughters (-1).
It is not indifferent that fathers should give money to sons (-1).
It is not indifferent that mothers should give money to sons (-1).
It is not indifferent that mothers should give money to daughters (-1).
This model, that coheres between mother, father, son and daughter, can be
extended to embrace other relationships within the kinship model. In the
obligation of children to grandparents (n=9), children should take care of and
give money to them (100%), answer to, obey, serve food to and cannot punish or
scold and have no rights over grandparents (100%), and have few privileges
over them. The greatest indifference is in whom should pray after whom, or be
served by whom or question whom, and who should be free from whom. These same
relationships and saliencies carry over almost completely to the relationships
between children and both categories of parents and godparents, though there
is slightly greater indifference about children obeying their godparents than
either their parents or grandparents.
Dichotomous (True or False) Tasks
A number of dichotomous (true or false) inventories were employed in this
study to assess the "reported" response pattern to basic values and
beliefs. The questions were made up with the intention of exploring certain
domains of values and attitudes relating to sex, gender, authority,
relationships between human and animals, acculturation and class, and familial
relationships and obligations, money and religion. It was believed that
patterns agreement in relation to certain categories of questions would be
similar to those patterns of other kinds of categories, such as the
relationship between adults and children compared to the relationship between
human beings and dogs.
9
These emerged as a fairly successful form of task as most subjects did not
seem too threatened by it, and many even seemed intrigued in doing them. The
inventories were developed one after the other, beginning with a basic 15 item
"Dogs-Children-Women" dichotomous inventory (n=121); leading to a 25
item "Sex-Authoritarianism" inventory (n=71); then to a 20 item
"Products-Commercials-People" inventory (n=64); to a 22 item grid
(n=61) rating basic categories of people along five basic dimensions of
cleanliness, generosity, and obedience; to a 15 item set of miscellaneous
assorted questions filling in gaps in the other inventories (n=58); and,
finally, to a 25 item set of questions relating religion, fortune, and
parental authority (n=30) that was administered toward the end of the study.
10
In the first task, relationships between attitudes and opinions toward
animals, cleanliness, women, and children were explored through a set of
fifteen questions (n=124). The following are the rank order percentages of
agreement (true answers) to the most agreed upon questions (True > 50%;
footnote references after certain items report actual associations with the
particular questions):
11
Older children should take care of their younger brother's and sisters.
(97.6%)
12
If adults are talking, children should not interrupt. (97.6%)
Showing too much affection to a child will spoil the child. (94.4%)
A child should not answer back an adult. (88.7%)
If a woman dresses too daringly, she's asking for trouble. (81.5%)
A woman should not go out to drink by herself. (81.5%)
A daughter-in-law should respect a mother-in-law's wishes. (65%)
Dogs are dirty. (57.3%)
A child should be punished for spilling its food. (52.42%)
Strong agreement across the sample shows that traditionally a
daughter-in-law is in little better position than a child in relation to the
mother-in-law, and that the mother-in-law's prerogative will be held to
outweigh that of the wife. More loosely, it can be interpreted that the chief
responsibility of the daughter-in-law would be to take care of the children of
the household. It is interesting that it is among the women themselves that
there is the least agreement to this last question (28 out of 51, or 54%).
Dogs do not feel pain like people do. (19.35%)
Women should not sit in coffee shops by themselves. (36.29%)
A dog should not come inside. (43.55%)
13
Women should always listen to their men folk. (45.96%)
14
It is best to whip a dog with a cane to make it obey. (48.38%)
Chaining a dog up makes it a good watchdog. (49.2%)
These responses can be interpreted as showing greater agreement in regard
to children than in regard to either dogs or women. In this task, the men's
sample (n=28) had a high average score of 9.6 and the women's subsample (n=51)
average was 10.843. These were at odds with the child's subsample (n=8) which
was 8.75, with the non-Jetty sample (n=17), which was 8.35 or the reference
group sample (n=20) which was 8.95. It can be said that in relation to these
questions about dogs, women and children, women have a slightly more
conservative and traditional orientation than the men, and both men and women
have a more conservative orientation than the other samples. For the women,
there were 18 (35.29%) who had a score of 13 or above and 33 with a score of
ten or above (64.7%), compared to five men (17.857%) with a score of 13 or
above and 16 with a score of ten or above (57.14%).
This difference between the men and the women may reflect the nature of the
experiences and relative level of education between the men and the women. The
women on average appear to be more bound to the domestic world of the Jetty
than the men.
Another inventory was designed with the aim of eliciting attitudes in
relation to women. Items showing the most agreement were the following:
A husband should help do housework. (91.5%)
It is O.K. for little boys to play with little girls. (90.14%)
It is O.K. for the daughter of a hawker to marry the son of a banker.
(90.14%)
15
It is O.K. for an unmarried man over 40 to live with his parents. (88.73%)
It is O.K. for a child to wipe up an invalid parent's bodily excrement.
(88.73%)
16
It is O.K. if a daughter of a doctor marries a construction worker.
(85.92%)
It is important for a child to work for and support the parents. (84.5%)
It is right for a woman to leave her husband if he regularly mistreats her.
(83.1%)
It is O.K. for a father to clean his infant daughter's bottom. (81.7%)
A child must not be allowed to see its parents naked. (78.87%)
A man can serve his wife a meal at the table. (63.38%)
It is important for a son to continue his parent's religion. (53.52%)
Questions that show the least agreement across the total sample include the
following (percentages represent frequencies of "true" responses):
A son or daughter can scold his or her parents. (9.86%)
17
It is best if a child follows its parent's choices in marriage. (16.9%)
It is all right for a woman to get drunk sometimes. (18.3%)
It is O.K. for an unmarried woman to sleep with a man. (19.72%)
It is all right if a woman touches a man in public. (21.13%)
18
Highly intelligent women are attractive. (26.76%)
It is good for husbands to go out to nightclubs or bars on weekends without
their wives. (28.17%)
It is O.K. for a single man and woman to be alone together inside a room.
(32.39%)
It is O.K. for a man to wash a woman's clothes. (38%)
19
Women can behave like Tomboys and men can behave like women. (38%)
It is O.K. for a single unmarried woman to pursue a professional career
even if it means indefinitely postponing marriage and having a family. (38%)
20
It is O.K. if a man gets drunk occasionally. (49.29%)
The scores were adjusted such that a low score is equal to a high rating of
ethnocentrism. The average score of the female sample was 7.55, compared to a
male average of 8.33. The children's average score was 8.75, the non-Jetty
sample's score was 10.56, and the reference group's average score was 8.1.
Again, the women show slightly more ethnocentric attitudes than the other
samples.
There is a since of a clear double standard as far as attitudes towards men
and women are concerned. For instance, while almost 50% agreed that men can
get drunk, only 18% said that a woman can get drunk. While 38% said women
should not sit in coffee shops by themselves, 28% said that men can go out to
bars on weekends without their wives.21
On the next inventory, subjects were asked to evaluate comparative
relationships between men, women, boys, girls, adults, children and dogs on
the basis of five dimensions (cleaner than, more affectionate than, more
obedient than, more trustworthy than and more generous than). The greatest
amount of agreement was:
Adults are more generous than children. (81.96%)
Children are cleaner than dogs. (78.68%)
Men are more generous than women. (77%)
Women are cleaner than men. (73.77%),
Adults are cleaner than children. (70.49%)
Dogs are more obedient than children. (68.85%)
Children are more affectionate than dogs. (67.21%)
Boys are more generous than girls. (63.93%)
Adults are more obedient than children. (57.38%)
Children are more trustworthy than dogs. (55.74%)
Adults are more obedient than dogs. (49.18%)
The questions show the greatest false (percentages show low scores of true)
answers over the entire sample are as follows:
Men are more affectionate than women. (6.5%)
Boys are more obedient than girls. (9.84%)
Boys are more affectionate than girls. (9.84%)
Boys are cleaner than girls. (11.48%)
Men are more obedient than women. (19.67%)
Boys are more trustworthy than girls. (27.87%)
Adults are more affectionate than children. (29.5%)
Men are more trustworthy than women. (32.78%)
Children are more trustworthy than adults. (37.7%)
Adults are more trustworthy than dogs. (47.5%)
Of all the dichotomous tasks, these questions have the highest average
inter-item correlation scores, showing strong inter-item associations. From
these responses, the following discrimination table below was derived based on
what were inferred to be "strong" relationships versus
"weak" relationships from the complementary scores of
agreement/disagreement:
|
Stronger |
adults/child. |
men/women |
boys/girls |
dogs/child. |
dogs/adults |
|
cleaner |
0.71 |
0.26 |
0.12 |
0.78 |
0 |
|
affectionate |
0.3 |
0.07 |
0.1 |
0.68 |
0.4 |
|
obedient |
0.58 |
0.2 |
0.1 |
0.3 |
0.5 |
|
trustworthy |
0.6 |
0.33 |
0.28 |
0.57 |
0.47 |
|
generous |
0.83 |
0.77 |
0.65 |
0 |
0 |
|
Weaker |
child./adults |
women/men |
girls/boys |
child/dogs |
adults/dogs |
|
cleaner |
0.29 |
0.74 |
0.88 |
0.22 |
0 |
|
affectionate |
0.7 |
0.93 |
0.9 |
0.32 |
0.6 |
|
obedient |
0.42 |
0.8 |
0.9 |
0.7 |
0.5 |
|
trustworthy |
0.4 |
0.67 |
0.72 |
0.43 |
0.53 |
|
generous |
0.17 |
0.23 |
0.35 |
0 |
0 |
Percentage scores of complementary strong and weak
relationships.
There is a -.382 intercorrelation between strong and weak dimensions
(cleaner, affectionate, obedient, trustworthy and generous). From this table,
a number of rules were inferred that occur with relative plausibility (greater
than .7) and from which a rule-based knowledge system modeling these
relationships might be developed.
Women are more affectionate than men.
Women are more obedient than men.
Women are cleaner than men.
Children are more affectionate than adults.
Girls are cleaner than boys.
Girls are more affectionate than boys.
Girls are more obedient than boys.
Men are more generous than women.
Adults are more generous than children.
Dogs are more obedient than children.
Childre are cleaner than dogs.
From the foregoing rules it can also be inferred that men and boys are
viewed as more positive and in greater association with "stronger"
relationships than women or girls, and that maleness is associated with
adultness while femaleness takes on similar patterns of being a child. Only
with the characteristic of generosity did women and children appear stronger
than men or adults. Generosity can be interpreted as a negatively valued trait
(i.e., a sign of weakness) among Chinese whose strongest spontaneous
typifications of themselves is that of "stinginess." In the next
inventory, (n=65), the most agreed upon questions were:
Smoking is worse for women than for men. (83.1%)
Newer appliances are better than older appliances. (73.85%)
It is better to buy a larger quantity more cheaply on sale. (73.85%)
Newer things are better than older things. (70.76%)
People on commercials are wealthier than average. (67.6%)
Thin women are more attractive. (67.6%)
Things on sale are a better deal than things not on sale. (67.6%)
Newer clothes are better than older clothes. (59.76%)
Questions upon which there were the most false answers were:
Men who smoke live as long as men who do not smoke. (9.2%)
Wealthy people are more attractive. (26.15%)
22
More expensive things are better than cheaper things. (32.3%)
Smoking is not a dirty habit. (35.38%)
Products advertised on television are better than those not advertised.
(35.38%)
Products sold at Komtar (Supermarket/Mall) are better than those sold at
the market. (40%)
Men who smoke are more masculine. (44.6%)
Wealthy people are like people who are on commercials. (46.25%)
People on television are better looking than those who are not. (49.23%)
The object of this inventory was to elicit attitudes and value judgments
that were related to acculturation, smoking, the media, and materialism. The
average score for the children (n=6) was 9.17. For the women (n=20) it was
11.7. For the men (n=12), 9.67. For the non-Jetty sample (n=9) it was 7.78.
For the reference group (n=18) it was 8.72.
On the following inventory, 15 questions were asked that were meant to plug
any holes left over from the previous questionnaires. The greatest agreement
were on the following items:
Young men and women should not have sexual relations. (70.2%)
Most men prefer to marry attractive women. (68.4%)
Boys and girls should start dating early in life to find the right partner.
(64.9%)
It is O.K. if an older woman marries a younger man. (63.15%)
Police protect rich people more than they protect the poor. (61.4%)
People who do not gamble are afraid of losing. (56.14%)
The average tourist is a middle-aged couple. (56.14%)
The questions on which the most number of false items were marked included
the following:
Most police do not take bribes. (14.03%)
23
It is O.K. for a single young man to sleep with a woman. (29.8%)
It is all right for a man to have more than one wife. (29.8%)
24
You are bound to strike it rich if you keep playing numbers. (35%)
25
Most Westerner's are wealthy. (36.84%)
A child should be discouraged from marrying outside one's own race.
(40.35%)
Long engagements result in better marriages. (42.1%)
Police will assist you if you report your bag snatched. (49.12%)
The average score of true for the children (n=6) is 5.17. For the women
(n=15) it was 7.4. For the men (n=9), 7.11. For the non-Jetty sample (n=9), it
was 6.89. For the reference group (n=18) it was 7.33.
The final dichotomous inventory was designed to elicit beliefs about the
supernatural and about fate. Because it was designed toward the end of the
study, it suffered a basic problem of translation. The sample size was
relatively small (n=30), so the scores are collapsed into a single group. The
most agreed upon questions were:
People on earth cannot know their places in heaven. (92.5%)
Money is a cause of evil. (77.7%)
Money is good. (74%)
A person who does bad deeds is bound to suffer misfortune. (70.3%)
If a parent is wrong then heaven will punish the children. (70.3%)
Children are basically good and learn how to be bad. (59.2%)
One's fortune on earth is influenced by one's filial piety. (59.2%)
Success in money is a sign of good fortune. (51.8%)
Children are basically bad and must be taught to be good. (51.8%)
Your ancestor's will reward you if you work hard. (51.8%)
Questions upon which there was the least agreement were the following:
Success in making money is a sign of one's fate in heaven. (11.1%)
One's place on earth is influenced by one's ancestors in heaven. (14.8%)
One's place in heaven is measured by one's fortune on earth. (14.8%)
The Gods can be influenced by the deeds of people. (14.8%)
A child should obey its parents even if its parents are wrong. (18.5%)
A person's fate in life determines that person's state after death. (18.5%)
Gods are willful and unpredictable. (18.5%)
Our parent's are influenced by our ancestor's fate in heaven. (22.2%)
Success in business is influenced by the worship of one's ancestors. (25%)
Our thoughts and actions can be influenced by the will of Gods. (25%)
Success in life depends upon the goodwill of the Gods. (25%)
A man's good fortune depends upon the happiness of his ancestors. (25%)
Evil spirits cause human misfortune. (30%)
Fate is controlled by the Gods. (30%)
Good people are favored by the Gods more than bad people. (33.3%)
Success is a sign of respect for one's ancestors. (33.3%)
Happiness is measured by how much money one makes. (37%)
A person will suffer misfortune if spirits aren't placated. (37%)
One's ancestors in heaven are influenced by one's fortune on earth. (37%)
People are controlled by fate. (37%)
Agreement to the tasks as indicated by the number of true scores is 45.33%.
This may signify that the task was not very well designed or interpreted, but
also that there may not be clearly uniform agreement of a theoditical beliefs
by these people of the Jetty. Many of the questions were more inherently
ambiguous, even with proper translation, thus being more difficult for people
to answer in a definite and clear way.
26
Question Frame (Sentence Completion) Tasks
There was an assortment of other tasks that entailed completion of sentence
frames. It appears that linguistically structured symbolic framing tasks do
elicit patterns of response comparable in many respects to the other kinds of
tasks such as the inkblots and drawing tasks. These tasks were difficult to
administer, in part because of the translation problem, but also because of a
great deal of resistance to their completion.
27
The following is a set of sentence completion tasks (n=12, Fry 1976:3) that
dealt with feelings and attitudes toward family.
28
1. My family is.... happy (50%); cheerful; big (33.3%);
small; cooperative; "stable when my brother doesn't gamble."
2. I love... my family (41.67%); parents (25%); nature or
mother (16.67%); teacher; relatives; friends; earth; and father. "
3. People... "are good" (25%); "must be
together;" "must be realistic;" "are lovely;"
"live on the earth;" "are different;" "are created by
God."
4. Men... "are strong" (16.6%) "must be
gentle;" "must not be selfish;" "made from soil;"
"are more responsible;" "must work to live;" "must
have a good job;" "are our protectors;" "are very
rough;" "are very lusty."
5. Women are... intelligent and the bearers of children
(16.6% each); "made from water;" make life more interesting;"
caring; "must love the family;" "refined; hardworking.
6. Sister's are... good and solve our problems (16.6%);
helpful; "family too;" friendly; clever.
7. Brother's are... good (25%); "must love each
other;" "help each other when bullied by someone;" "are
helping hands;" "are okay;" males.
8. Fathers... good (41.67%); dead (16.67%); gentle; loving;
generous, hardworking, kind.
9. Mothers... good (33.3%); housewife (16.67%); kind; gentle;
dead; lovely, friendly; hardworking; "loves my brother more but is a
great woman."
10. Children... cute (50%); naughty (25%); wise; "gift
from the Gods;" future; playful; innocent; "can like what they
like."
11. A spouse... "must love each other;" good;
"partner of life;" "future depender;" "must take care
of family."
12. Marriage is... happiness (16.67%); "a funny and
stupid thing;" "the way of men and women;" "the way to
build a happy life;" "beginning of a new family;' "our valuable
choice;" "help each other;" "traditional
celebration."
13. I hate... dogs and cats (16.67% each); lying; fighting;
loneliness; unhappiness; myself; strange and unnatural feelings; ticks; bad
feelings.
14. I fear ... lizards (16.67%); dogs; cats; mice;
loneliness; beatings; no money; mistreatment.
15. I think of myself as.... a good child (16.67%); very
responsible; hardworking and generous; a tough girl; a gentleman; a good
husband and father; a nurse.
A small sample (n=18) from a couple of sets of sentence completion tasks
given to children proved quite interesting. Questions were originally
constructed with the aim of getting at basic attitudes of children of various
age groups. A number of "graded" tasks were thus designed and used.
Responses are presented in order of descending frequencies (responses with
percentages indicate one or two people only, and are included to give the
range of different types of response):
1. What I like best about school is... PE. (77.8%); math
(22.2%); playing badminton; playing; talking with friends; crafts; Chinese
studies; Malay studies; English; sweeping the floor; cleaning the blackboard;
the library that gives knowledge; and the Malay teacher who is a joker.
2. When I grow up I want to be...a policeman (22.2%) who
catches robbers and thieves; a nurse; soldier; fireman who saves people;
hairdresser; beautician; printing (like the brother); a writer working in a
publishing company "because get to bring papers home to write with;"
a typist because "I like playing with typewriters;" and a driver of
alcoholic beverages.
3. My parents become angry when I... go out with friends
(22.2%); go out and fight (22.2%); play around; steal things; gamble; beat my
younger brother; don't do my homework; don't listen to them; go to the
shopping mall with my friends; don't help with the housework; go to my
friend's house; go swimming.
4. Bad things are...smoking (55.6%); drugs and gambling
(44.5%); fighting (22.2%); stealing; gangs; mixing with other bad people;
quarreling; "bad words, nothing else."
5. The leader of my country... is intelligent (77.8%); favors
Malays (66.7%); is good; takes shares of bribes; disfavors Penang; takes care
of the country.
6. The world will be a better place when..."there are no
wars" (33.3%); "they don't take young girls to sell" (22.2%);
no fighting (22.2%); no drugs; "we don't throw trash everywhere;"
there is peace; "and other countries don't invade us;" no stealing;
no gangs; no quarreling.
7. Children shouldn't...gamble (44.5%); smoke (33.3%); fight;
scold; use foul words; "take mom's money to buy drugs;" "take
mother's money to treat friends;" (22.2% each); "con mother's
money," "scratch, vandalize, but in when older people are
talking;" be bad; mix with gang members; play with fire; be truant;
quarrel; scold teachers; use alcohol or drugs. "Teachers can hit. One hit
three students, and we cut up the teacher's tires."
8. When I cross a street, I..."look carefully before
crossing so that there are no cars;" (55.6%) see both sides (22.2%); go
when there are no cars (22.2%); run across and be extra careful.
Two sets of five open-ended questions were also asked. These questions
elicited conceptual domains over the central topics they addressed--namely
Thai women, Singapore, Japanese, Malaysian Products, AIDS, Chinese, Whites,
Blacks, Malays and Indians. They provide insight into how complex concepts
such as these may be constructed and cohere across a cultural field. Traits
and terms used to describe these concepts recur again and again throughout the
elicitations with great frequency. No single concept is monotypical--each
spans a range of values, images, experiences, beliefs which go into their
construction. Neither do they exist in isolation from one another or from
other domains of knowledge.
The first set of questions (n=120) were the following:
What do you think about Thai women?
What do you think about Singapore?
What do you think about the Japanese?
What do you think about things made in Malaysia?
What do you think about the AIDS problem in Malaysia?
1. Thai Women. Responses to the first question show that the
most frequent terms to describe Thai women were "dark"
(16.9%);"prostitutes" (13.7%); "like Malay" (8%);
"same as Chinese" (8%); "some good/some bad" (8%);
"sexy" (2.4%).
29
2. Singapore. Responses to the second question show the most
frequent associations to "Singapore" were "clean"
(22.58%); "good" (19.35%); "strict" (9.67%);
"beautiful"(6.45%); "nice;" "developed" (5.64%).
30
3. Japanese. The most frequent association to the concept of
the "Japanese" were fairness (complexion, 11.29%); shortness of
stature (13.71%); manners (8.9%); intelligence (8.9%).
31
4. "Products made in Malaysia" had fewer overall
elicitations than the other concepts, and was mostly associated with
"good" (21.78%); "O.K." (16.9%); "imports better
than" (9.67%); "not good" (9.67%); "good and bad;"
"inferior." (9.67%)
32
5. "AIDS in Malaysia" was most associated with
"in Malaysia" (46.77%); "not many cases" (33.87%); "a
lot of cases" (12.9%).
33
The second set of questions were the following (n=30):
What do you think about Chinese people?
What do you think about White people?
What do you think about Black people?
What do you think about Malays?
What do you think about Indians?
Responses were:
1. "Chinese" associations include
"hardworking" (33.3%); "selfish"
(23.3%);"intelligent;" "unpunctual;" "stingy;"
"face;" "talkative" (13.3% each). Other associations are
"money faced," "good," and "greedy."
2. "Whites" associations are "friendly"
(20%); "liberal" and "liberated" (16.67% each). Other
associations are adventurousness, tall, enjoy self, "different
thinking," "great thinking," and "easy going."
3. "Blacks" associations are "poor" (40%)
and "white teeth" (16.67%) . Other salient associations are
"curly hair," "tall," "good in sports," and
"contempt by Whites".
4. "Malays" associations are "lazy"
(33.33%) and "cooperative between themselves" (16.67%). Other
associations are unsporting, selfish, government parades, hate, rich, follow
the leader, dirty, proud, and easy-going.
5. "Indians" associations are "dirty"
(23.3%); "poor" (16.67%); "drinking" (16.67%). Other
salient associations are "fakers," beautiful eyes,
"smelly," religious, hardworking, and "simple life."
Apperception Tasks
The apperceptive tasks employed upon the Jetty explored the themes of
subjective identity cast in alternate and different role relationships with
other persons. Several tasks were used. The two main tasks were constructed
using cultural themata and images derived directly or indirectly from the
local universe of the study. The other tasks included adapted versions of the
CAT (Children's Apperception Test, adapted from Bellak 1971; Haworth 1966) and
of the SAT (Senior Apperception Test, adapted from Bellak 1975:271-289), all
of which were mostly administered to children and young adults.
The main task was referred to as the "Family Apperception Task"
(or FAT) and was designed with the explicit purpose of eliciting culturally
relevant themata concerning identity and attitudes in familially defined role
relationships. The second main task ("Picture Apperception Task" or
"PAT") took a range of wider social images from the local media,
images that presented certain ambiguous situations or events in a larger world
context.
All the apperceptive tasks combined proved valuable in exploring attitudes
and identities that are clearly tied to familial roles and a kinship model of
the world. The CAT explored primarily the parent child relationship. The SAT
was effective in elucidating attitudes towards the elderly and grandparents.
The FAT was effective in exploring the range and organization of the familial
order, and the PAT proved of value in exploring the possible extensions of
this order into a wider universe of social relations and settings, especially
in cross-cultural contexts.
The CAT-S (Children's Apperception Test-Supplement, adapted from Bellak
1971: 252-263, n=12) is designed for very young children and its clear, simple
drawings of animals in human clothes are especially interesting for young
children.
1. The first card that shows four cats on a slide elicited a basic theme of
four friends playing together on the slide, one that was made by the father.
They played and played until the mother called them home to wash them, feed
them and put them to bed.
2. The second card showing three monkeys at desks in a class reveals a
theme of two or three children who are good friends from home who eat and go
to school together, being punished by the teacher for not doing their work,
and being jealous of the one standing and reading, are also punished. They
become mischievous when they are outside, apologize to the teacher for being
naughty, and go home to eat rice.
3. The third picture reveals a theme of a girl friend/boy friend or
husband/wife relationship in which the female is very pretty for the man and
is serving the man tea or a glass of water because she likes the man, they are
happy and have or will have a baby.
4. The fourth picture reveals the them of a husband/wife and father/mother
and "girl friend /boy friend" "lang people pandas" (crazy
people bears) who get married, go to the doctor have a baby and love the baby
very much. The father loves the baby, and finds food for them, but dies.
5. The fifth picture shows a "kangaroo" with a hurt leg on
crutches, who went to the hospital after being hit by a car, and receives
sympathy from the mother who cooks for it. "Then he can only eat
vegetables and pork. He cannot eat shrimp and crab."
6. The sixth card deals with the theme of a four children running in a race
together. They lose their mother while they are playing and become very hungry
and sad. They get hungrier and hungrier as they look for their mother.
"One mad man started laughing. The man was lost in the jungle. The man
saw a tiger. The tiger ate he man up." Another older boy said: "One
day two families live next door to each other. Twins. They had twins. A boy
and a girl. So neighbors also had twins. A boy and a girl. They went to the
playground. The park. The mother was kidnapped by somebody. They started
looking for the mother. After a while they found her. They were very happy to
find the mother. One of them was smiling."
7. The seventh picture reveals a theme of a pregnant cat who is very big
and standing in front of a mirror preening herself and to see if she is pretty
or not because her boyfriend is coming in a van to take her to the disco. One
boy wrote this: "One day, one cat who was very, very stupid and one cat
very ugly and one cat very beautiful. This one not very pretty. The mother
beat her. This cat is no good. The mother scolded her. "Child is no
good". This cat went later for a walk. She went inside her room and
cried. She opened the door and went in."
8. The eighth theme is that of a sick child taken to the doctor by the
mother and who is given medicine from the clinic.
9. The ninth card shows a child with a father/mother showering after coming
in, and checking their body for something. They are getting ready to go
shopping which makes the child happy, but the mother gets lost while shopping.
10. The tenth, final card shows a theme of a cat standing in front of a
mirror with an apron and preg